Exaggeration Of The Threat: Then And Now

By <http://pubrecord.org/author/goody789/>Melvin A. Goodman 

http://pubrecord.org/commentary/5161/exaggeration-threat-then/

A <http://www.gwu.edu/~nsarchiv/nukevault/ebb285/index.htm>recently 
declassified study on Soviet intentions during the Cold War 
identifies significant failures in U.S. intelligence analysis on 
Soviet military intentions and demonstrates the constant exaggeration 
of the Soviet threat.

The study, which was released last week by George Washington 
University's National Security Archive, was prepared by a Pentagon 
contractor in 1995 that had access to former senior Soviet defense 
officials, military officers, and industrial specialists. It 
demonstrates the consistent U.S. exaggeration of Soviet 
"aggressiveness" and the failure to recognize Soviet fears of a U.S. 
first strike. The study begs serious questions about current U.S. 
exaggeration of "threats" emanating from Iran, North Korea, and 
Afghanistan.

In the 1980s, long after Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev signaled 
reduced growth in Soviet defense spending, the CIA produced a series 
of National Intelligence Estimates (NIEs) titled "Soviet Capabilities 
for Strategic Nuclear Conflict," which concluded that the Soviet 
Union sought "superior capabilities to fight and win a nuclear war 
with the United States, and have been working to improve their 
chances of prevailing in such a conflict."

The notion of winning or prevailing in a nuclear conflict was, of 
course, ludicrous in the extreme, but this did not stop the CIA's 
leadership (Director William Casey and Deputy Director Robert Gates) 
from endorsing the view that the Soviet Red Army could conduct 
military operations on a nuclear battlefield and had improved "their 
ability to deal with the many contingencies of such a conflict, and 
raising the possibility of outcomes favorable to the USSR."

The CIA ignored the Soviet slowdown in the growth of military 
procurement, exaggerated the capabilities of important strategic 
systems, and distorted the military and economic power of the Warsaw 
Pact states. As late as 1986, the CIA reported that the per capita 
income of East Germany was ahead of West Germany and that the 
national income per capita was higher in the Soviet Union than in 
Italy. Several years later, the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact 
collapsed, and former CIA director Stansfield Turner wrote that the 
"corporate view" at the CIA "missed by a mile.

The Pentagon study demonstrates that the Soviet military high command 
"understood the devastating consequences of nuclear war" and believed 
that the use of nuclear weapons had to be avoided at "all costs."

Nevertheless, in 1975, presidential chief of staff Dick Cheney and 
secretary of defense Donald Rumsfeld introduced a group of 
neoconservatives, led by Harvard professor Richard Pipes, to the CIA 
in order to make sure that future NIEs would falsely conclude that 
the Soviet Union rejected nuclear parity, were bent on fighting and 
winning a nuclear war, and were radically increasing their military 
spending.

The neocons (known as Team B) and the CIA (Team A) then wrongly 
predicted a series of Soviet weapons developments that never took 
place, including directed energy weapons, mobile ABM systems, and 
anti-satellite capabilities. CIA deputy director Gates used this 
worst-case reasoning in a series of speeches to insinuate himself 
with CIA director Bill Casey and the Reagan administration.

In view of the consistent exaggeration of the Soviet threat 
throughout the 1980s, when the USSR was on a glide path toward 
collapse, it is fair to speculate on current geopolitical situations 
that are far less threatening than our policy and intelligence 
experts assert.

For example, is it reasonable to argue that the United States needs 
to deploy a strategic air defense in Poland and the Czech Republic to 
defend against a possible Iranian attack against Central Europe? How 
did our military planners come up with a scenario that projects 
Iran's intentions to target Europe? Why do we dismiss Russian fears 
of the deployment of such a system in two former Warsaw Pact 
countries near Russian borders?

North Korea, like Iran, is another country that provokes irrational 
behavior and threat assessments on our part despite its military and 
economic backwardness. For the past several months, the Pyongyang 
government has consistently signaled an interest in improving 
relations with both the United States and South Korea.

The release of two American journalists and a South Korean worker as 
well as an agreement to allow tourism and family reunions to resume 
with the Seoul government point to an effort to ease relations after 
months of growing tension. What is North Korea demanding? Nothing 
more than bilateral talks with the United States. Why is this so 
difficult?

And why does President Barack Obama consider Afghanistan to be an 
"international security challenge of the highest order" and the 
Afghan war a "war that we cannot afford to lose?" The terrorists who 
attacked us on 9/11 were operating independently of any national 
government and did most of their organizational work in Germany and 
the United States. We were compelled to rout them from Afghanistan in 
2001, but the wars in Iraq and the continued war in Afghanistan has 
not contributed to the security and stability of the United States.

The exaggeration of the Soviet threat in the 1980s led to an 
additional trillion and a half dollars in defense spending against a 
Soviet Union that was in decline and a Soviet military threat that 
was disappearing. It is time to recognize the great harm that was 
done to the intelligence community and the CIA with the 
politicization of intelligence in the 1980s as well as the 
militarization of intelligence over the past twenty years.

If we don't reform the intelligence process and create a genuinely 
independent intelligence capability there will continue to be threat 
exaggerations that cost us greatly in blood and treasure over the 
next 10 years

Melvin A. Goodman, a senior fellow at the Center for International 
Policy and adjunct professor of government at Johns Hopkins 
University, is The Public Record's National Security and Intelligence 
columnist. He spent 42 years with the CIA, the National War College, 
and the U.S. Army. His latest book 
is 
<http://www.amazon.com/Failure-Intelligence-Decline-Fall-CIA/dp/0742551105>Failure
 
of Intelligence: The Decline and Fall of the CIA.
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