“this is not a case against me as an individual, but it is a warning to the 
entire press community not to try to quash the cooked up stories by the police.”
 

When Two Muslims Meet: The Media(ted) case of Madani and Shahina 
 
K Ashraf & Jenny Rowena
http://thefishpond.in/ashraf/2010/when-two-muslims-meet/

 


Shahina K K, a journalist with Tehelka went to Karnataka to prepare an 
investigative report on the case on Abdul Nasar Madani, the Chairman of PDP. 
Madani had spend almost 10 years in Jail as an undertrial in the 1998 
Coimbatore blast before he was let off without any charges on 1 August 2007. In 
her report (Why is this man still in prison?, Tehelka, December 4th, 2010) 
Shahina tried to look into the police story that Madani had conspired in the 
Bengaluru blasts in separate meetings two years ago — one which took place in 
Madani’s rented home in Kochi and the other in the Lakkeri estate in Kodaku 
Karnataka. 
Here, she not only talks of the reports about the many people who have 
questioned the police story – like James Varghese, the owner of Madani’s rented 
house in Kochi, and Madani’s brother Jamal Mohammed – but she also investigates 
the witnesses whose accounts have led the court to deny Madani bail. According 
to her investigations Shahina finds out that many of the witnesses have things 
to say that goes against the police story. For instance, Yoganand, a BJP worker 
whose testimony is recorded in the charge sheet, Shahina reports, does not even 
know that he is a witness in the Madani case ! 

Now this is a case of good investigative journalism, which has the power to 
unsettle the stories that are constantly being planted in the media by the 
police. However, just a few days after her report comes out, the Karnataka 
police slaps a case against Shahina under IPC 506, for “intimidating the 
witnesses.” No stretch of imagination allows one to view the attempt of a 
journalist to talk to the witnesses in a particular case as ‘intimidation.’ 
Yet, in this age of embedded journalism and paid news and the likes of Praveen 
Swamy and Burkha Dutt, this critical attempt at investigation which challenges 
a given police story, can easily be labeled thus and the journalist targeted. 
More importantly, Shahina’s case is further mediated through other important 
issues, which includes the political career of Abdul Nasar Madani, whose case 
she was investigating and her own identity as a Muslim woman. 
Shahina’s attempt to investigate goes deep into the whole issue of how Abdul 
Nasar Madani, who holds a particular and important political position in 
Kerala, was incarcerated in jail for long years, without trail, and then 
acquitted with all charges against him unproved. This gross case of injustice 
was further extended when the police tried to implicate his wife Sufiya in the 
Bengaluru blasts that took place on 25th July 2008. Three months back, in spite 
of protests from various quarters in Kerala, Madani was arrested once again for 
conspiracy as one of the accused in the Bengaluru blasts. Later, his bail 
application was also dismissed considering what the court called the “nature 
and gravity of the offence.” The repercussions and the backlash on Shahina’s 
investigations are clearly connected to the case of Abdul Nazar Madani.  In 
fact, even to bring up the issue of Madani is to evoke anxieties about Islamic 
fundamentalism and terrorism. In the
 words of Charles Hirschkind and Saba Mahmood, 

“a whole set of questionable assumptions, anxieties, and prejudices [are] 
embedded in the notion of Islamic fundamentalism.” (From their article: 
Feminism, the Taliban, and Politics of Counter-Insurgency.)
This then is used as a bogey to deal with any kind of response, activity or 
political action from the location of a Muslim identity. However, no one 
worries that this political leader has been in jail for 10 long years without 
trail and that now, he is back in jail and being systematically denied bail. An 
issue that Shahina’s report addresses too, with its title: “Why is this man 
still in jail?” In fact, today, the question of terrorism and the Muslim can 
obfuscate all other questions about equality and justice. The Muslim, is caught 
in a construction that implicates him/her as inherently capable of terrorizing 
this country and therefore easily punishable. S/he is always already someone 
who can be easily pushed outside the ambit of the discourses of human rights 
and legal justice. 
In fact, Madani is an important political voice in Kerala who addressed the 
question of Muslims and dalitbahujans after the Mandal-Masjid phenomenon of the 
90s. Rooted in a discourse that drew from Islamic tenants, Madani’s vision 
focused on the inherent inequalities in Kerala society, both in terms of caste 
and religion. However his new political language was found ‘deviant’ and 
ignored or attacked by dominant discourses, mainly because of its allegiance to 
Islamic discourses and the Muslim identity. Thus Madani, who had been able to 
organize some of the most unprivileged sections in Kerala, is shorn of all his 
political credentials from within the stand point of the construction of the 
Muslim as the fundamentalist other of a Secular State/Culture. 
The media has always stood strongly on the side of such dominant constructions 
all through the political career of Madani. Recently when his wife Soofiya 
Madani was alleged to have been involved in a conspiracy that led to the 
burning of a Tamil Nadu State Transport Corporation bus at Kalamassery, Kochi 
in September 2005, reports in the media found her guilty even before Judicial 
processes could start. Similarly we have seen the media conniving with the 
Police/State on other issues concerning the “others” of Kerala. One can recall 
the maligning of the Dalit Human Rights Groups (DHRM) as terrorists and the 
false case of Love Jihad, where young Muslim men were accused of converting 
Hindu women into Islam after starting romantic relationships with them. 
However, when in May 17, 2009 6 Muslim men from a fishing community were killed 
and 47 others injured (27 of them had bullet injuries) in a police firing in 
Beemapally, most of the Malayalam media kept
 completely silent about this incident, which was one of the most violent 
incidents of police oppression that Kerala had ever witnessed. All this are 
surely signs of the impunity with which the Malayalam media treats issues that 
are related to its “others,” especially the Muslim. 
It is this entrenched attitude of the media that Shahina’s report tries to 
confront, head on. However, it is a Shahina who is doing this and not just 
another journalist; like Madani, she too is caught in the same issues that 
haunt the Muslim location and identity. In fact, Shahina herself has reported 
how, when she went to the village to investigate, she was stopped by the police 
and asked whether she was a terrorist. Many of the papers in Karnataka like 
Sakthi, Prajavani and Kannada also reported the incident as a “suspicious” 
visit by a “group of Muslims !” Here, just as Madani’s Islamic roots could 
tarnish the weight and importance of his political career, Shahina’s Muslim 
name could do away with all her other identities. 
It is no wonder then that a report in the Mathrubhumi faithfully reports the 
police version that Shahina and the others in her group tried to “threaten” the 
witnesses. Such a report, without even a preliminary kind of investigation, 
quickly reiterates the police story, putting the blame squarely on Shahina’s 
shoulders. This is exactly how much of the media has behaved in the case of 
Madani too. In many ways, it was the media in Kerala that raised the alarm 
against Madani so high and shrill that it was so easy for the police to get him 
back in jail and keep him there. We need to think seriously about all these 
issues raised in connection to the Shahina case. 
Surely, as Shahina writes in her status message in Facebook:

“this is not a case against me as an individual, but it is a warning to the 
entire press community not to try to quash the cooked up stories by the police.”
Moreover, this is also yet another instance where the complex and often 
oppressive relationship of the Indian state and the Muslim minority is clearly 
revealed – a relationship in which the media has always played a highly dubious 
and questionable role. It is not surprising then that Shahina’s alternative 
mediation, to investigate into this and to reveal the fissures within many of 
our consensus has met with such a reaction. It is important that we reflect on 
these issues and extend our support to Shahina and to Madani, who is still in 
jail, also as a result of all these various, anti-minority mediations.


 
With Regards 

Abi
 


“At his best, man is the noblest of all animals; separated from law and justice 
he is the worst”
- Aristotle


      

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