<https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2022/feb/24/ive-been-waiting-15-years-for-facebook-to-die-im-more-hopeful-than-ever>

I’ve been praying for Facebook’s collapse ever since it attained liftoff. In a 
2007 article, I predicted that “your creepy ex-co-workers will kill Facebook” 
by demanding to know why you won’t “friend” them, prompting an exodus to the 
next platform. That was the social network cycle back then: a new network 
opens, and you and the people you genuinely like enjoy a rollicking group chat 
until all the people you have to pretend to like show up.

That’s the double-edged sword of products that rely on “network effects” – the 
economists’ term for a product that gets better when more people use it. Sure, 
you might join Facebook because your friends are all there (and more people 
might sign up because you’re there), but that also means that every time your 
friends leave Facebook, it’s a reason for you to leave, too.

My prediction failed. For a decade and a half, Facebook resisted the fate of 
all the social networks that preceded it. In hindsight, it’s easy to see why: 
it cheated. The company used investor cash to buy and neutralize competitors 
(“Kids are leaving Facebook for Insta? Fine, we’ll buy Insta. We know you value 
choice!”). It allegedly spied on users through the deceptive use of apps such 
as Onavo and exploited the intelligence to defeat rivals. More than anything, 
it ratcheted up “switching costs.”

“Switching costs” is another economic term: it means “the price you pay when 
you switch from one service to another.” Switching from Facebook to a rival 
means saying goodbye to the communities, friends and customers you hang out 
with on the platform. Normally, tech has really low switching costs: want to 
change from T-Mobile to Verizon? Just port your number. Your friends don’t even 
have to know you did; they can still call you and you them.

Tech’s rock-bottom switching costs are what kept the industry so dynamic in its 
early days. Microsoft could deploy an army of corporate salespeople to turn 
Microsoft Office into an industry standard, then Apple could come along and 
reverse-engineer the Office formats and make the interoperable iWork office 
suite. That means that Windows users could switch to the Mac and open their 
Word docs in Pages, their Excel spreadsheets in Numbers and their PowerPoints 
in Keynote.

It’s different for Facebook. The company’s ascendancy coincided with an overall 
concentration in the tech sector, and, with it, laws that protected winners of 
the latest round of the interoperability wars from new challengers. Apple was 
able to reverse-engineer its way out of the Microsoft Office trap, but woe 
betide a company that tries the same trick on Apple – try to make a program 
that lets you run iPhone apps on an Android device, or read the media files you 
buy in Apple’s book, movie or music stores, and you will quickly discover that 
the law is now on the sides of the giants, not the upstarts.

That same legal shift is how Facebook has kept its switching costs high. 
Fifteen years ago, it was safe to make a Facebook-MySpace bridge that would let 
you leave MySpace but stay in touch with your friends there by scraping your 
MySpace inbox and moving the waiting messages to your Facebook inbox. Try to 
build one of those bridges today – blasting an escape tunnel through Facebook’s 
walled garden – and Facebook will sue you until the rubble bounces.

But high switching costs have their limits. If you make your service terrible 
enough, a certain number of users will find the cost of switching preferable to 
the pain of staying. And as users leave, network effects start to work in 
reverse: though every user that joins makes your service more valuable, every 
user that leaves makes the service less valuable. If you’re only on Facebook to 
stay in touch with a small group of friends, each one of those friends who 
departs makes it easier for you to make the jump, too. And once you go, it’s 
even easier for the rest of the group to bail.

This is very bad news for Facebook. After years of slowing US growth, Facebook 
just experienced its first-ever US shrinkage, which precipitated a $230bn stock 
crash, the largest in global corporate history.

Though most of Facebook’s users are global, its US users generate far more 
profit than users in the rest of the world. Losing a US user is expensive. Even 
more important: the US is Facebook’s home base, and its US user base is its 
main bargaining chip in resisting US regulation, and in securing US support in 
its regulatory battles abroad.

Speaking of regulatory battles abroad: Facebook is on the brink of having its 
business model declared illegal under the European Union’s General Data 
Protection Regulation (GDPR). Fending off that scenario will depend on vast 
capital expenditures and friendly European regulators, and Facebook’s running 
short on both. Oh, and Europeans are Facebook’s second most valuable users.

Admittedly, when a company’s shares decline, it’s not like the company itself 
has lost any money – those losses hit shareholders, not the business itself. 
However, Facebook’s costs and share-price are intimately bound together, thanks 
to tech firms’ reliance on stock grants as a way of scoring a discount on their 
wage-bills. Engineers, lawyers, and other high-paid, in-demand professionals 
are glad to take much of their compensation in stock, betting that the 
company’s share price will balloon and that they can cash out their shares and 
keep their winnings, thanks to the tax-preferred status of capital gains – in 
most of the world, the wages you earn for doing useful work are taxed at a much 
higher rate than the winnings you get from lucky bets on stocks.

Even before its stock fell off a cliff, Facebook was mired in a multi-year 
hiring crisis. Nobody wanted to work for Facebook because it’s a terrible 
company that makes terrible products that everyone hates and only use because 
the company has rigged the system to punish users for switching.

Facebook was already paying a wage premium, offering sweeteners to in-demand 
workers in exchange for checking their consciences at the door. Those 
sweeteners mostly took the form of shares, which means that all those morally 
flexible “Metamates” got a hefty pay-cut when the company’s stock price fell 
off a cliff. Expect a lot of them to leave – and expect the company to have to 
pay even more to replace them. Companies with falling share prices can’t use 
share grants to attract workers.

Facebook is now famously trying to pivot (ugh) to virtual reality to save 
itself. It’s an expensive gambit. It’s going to alienate a lot of its users. 
It’s going to alienate a lot of its in-demand workers. It’s going to freak out 
a lot of regulators.

Meanwhile, the switching costs for people who want to jump ship keep getting 
lower. It’s not merely that fewer and fewer of the people you want to talk with 
are still on Facebook. Even if there’s someone whose virtual company you can’t 
bear to part with, lawmakers in the US and Europe are working on legislation 
that would force Facebook to allow third parties to “federate” new services 
with it. That would mean that you could quit Facebook and join an upstart rival 
– say, one by a privacy-respecting nonprofit or even a user-owned co-op – and 
still exchange messages with the communities, customers and family you left 
behind on Facebook’s sinking ship.

For 15 years, I’ve been waiting for Facebook to suffer the fate of every 
network-effects-driven success story – to experience the precipitous decline 
that is triggered by people leaving the service and taking the value they 
brought to it with them. Facebook now has to somehow retain users who are fed 
up to the eyeballs with its never-ending failures and scandals, while funding a 
pivot to VR, while fending off overlapping salvoes of global regulatory 
challenges to its business model, while paying a massive wage premium to 
attract and retain the workers that it needs to make any of this happen. All 
that, amid an exodus of its most valuable users and a frontal regulatory 
assault on its ability to extract revenues from those users’ online activities.

Stein’s Law holds that “if something cannot go on forever, it will stop.”

Facebook can’t go on forever.

    Cory Doctorow is a science fiction author, activist and journalist. He is 
the author of many books, including the forthcoming book Chokepoint Capitalism, 
with Rebecca Giblin, about monopoly and fairness in the creative arts labor 
market. In 2020, he was inducted into the Canadian Science Fiction and Fantasy 
Hall of Fame
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