Stop Worshiping the American Tech Giants, by Lina Khan - Feb. 4, 2025

When Chinese artificial intelligence firm DeepSeek shocked Silicon Valley and 
Wall Street with its powerful new A.I. model, Marc Andreessen, the Silicon 
Valley investor, went so far as to describe it as “A.I.’s Sputnik moment.” 
Presumably, Mr. Andreessen wasn’t calling on the federal government to start a 
massive new program like NASA, which was our response to the Soviet Union’s 
Sputnik satellite launch; he wants the U.S. government to flood private 
industry with capital, to ensure that America remains technologically and 
economically dominant.

As an antitrust enforcer, I see a different metaphor. DeepSeek is the canary in 
the coal mine. It’s warning us that when there isn’t enough competition, our 
tech industry grows vulnerable to its Chinese rivals, threatening U.S. 
geopolitical power in the 21st century.

Although it’s unclear precisely how much more efficient DeepSeek’s models are 
than, say, ChatGPT, its innovations are real and undermine a core argument that 
America’s dominant technology firms have been pushing — namely, that they are 
developing the best artificial intelligence technology the world has to offer, 
and that technological advances can be achieved only with enormous investment — 
in computing power, energy generation and cutting-edge chips. For years now, 
these companies have been arguing that the government must protect them from 
competition to ensure that America stays ahead.

But let’s not forget that America’s tech giants are awash in cash, computing 
power and data capacity. They are headquartered in the world’s strongest 
economy and enjoy the advantages conferred by the rule of law and a free 
enterprise system. And yet, despite all those advantages — as well as a U.S. 
government ban on the sales of cutting-edge chips and chip-making equipment to 
Chinese firms — America’s tech giants have seemingly been challenged on the 
cheap.

It should be no surprise that our big tech firms are at risk of being surpassed 
in A.I. innovation by foreign competitors. After companies like Google, Apple 
and Amazon helped transform the American economy in the 2000s, they maintained 
their dominance primarily through buying out rivals and building 
anticompetitive moats around their businesses.

Over the last decade, big tech chief executives have seemed more adept at 
reinventing themselves to suit the politics of the moment — resistance 
sympathizers, social justice warriors, MAGA enthusiasts — than on pioneering 
new pathbreaking innovations and breakthrough technologies.

There have been times when Washington has embraced the argument that certain 
businesses deserve to be treated as national champions and, as such, to become 
monopolies with the expectation that they will represent America’s national 
interests. Those times serve as a cautionary tale.

Boeing was one such star — the aircraft manufacturer’s reputation was so 
sterling that a former White House adviser during the Clinton administration 
referred to it as a “de facto national champion,” so important that “you can be 
an out-and-out advocate for it” in government. This superstar status was such 
that it likely helped Boeing gain the regulatory green light to absorb its 
remaining U.S. rival, McDonnell Douglas. That 1997 merger played a significant 
role in damaging Boeing’s culture, leaving it plagued with a host of problems, 
including safety concerns.

On the other hand, the government’s decision to enforce antitrust laws against 
what is now AT&T Inc., IBM and Microsoft in the 1970s through the 1990s helped 
create the market conditions that gave rise to Silicon Valley’s dynamism and 
America’s subsequent technological lead. America’s bipartisan commitment to 
maintaining open and competitive markets from the 1930s to the 1980s — a 
commitment that many European countries and Japan did not share — was critical 
for generating the broad-based economic growth and technological edge that 
catapulted the United States to the top of the world order.

While monopolies may offer periodic advances, breakthrough innovations have 
historically come from disruptive outsiders, in part because huge behemoths 
rarely want to advance technologies that could displace or cannibalize their 
own businesses. Mired in red tape and bureaucratic inertia, those companies 
usually aren’t set up to deliver the seismic efficiencies that hungry start-ups 
can generate.

The recent history of artificial intelligence demonstrates this pattern. Google 
developed the groundbreaking Transformer architecture that underlies today’s 
A.I. revolution in 2017, but the technology was largely underutilized until 
researchers left to join or to found new companies. It took these independent 
firms, not the tech giant, to realize the technology’s transformative potential.

At the Federal Trade Commission, I argued that in the arena of artificial 
intelligence, developers should release enough information about their models 
to allow smaller players and upstarts to bring their ideas to market without 
being beholden to dominant firms’ pricing or access restrictions. Competition 
and openness, not centralization, drive innovation.

In the coming weeks and months, U.S. tech giants may renew their calls for the 
government to grant them special protections that close off markets and lock in 
their dominance. Indeed, top executives from these firms appear eager to curry 
favor and cut deals, which could include asking the federal government to pare 
back sensible efforts to require adequate testing of models before they are 
released to the public, or to look the other way when a dominant firm seeks to 
acquire an upstart competitor.

Enforcers and policymakers should be wary. During the first Trump and then the 
Biden administrations, antitrust enforcers brought major monopolization 
lawsuits against those same companies — making the case that by unlawfully 
buying up or excluding their rivals, these companies had undermined innovation 
and deprived America of the benefits that free and fair competition delivers. 
Reversing course would be a mistake. The best way for the United States to stay 
ahead globally is by promoting competition at home.

<https://www.nytimes.com/2025/02/04/opinion/deepseek-ai-big-tech.html>

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