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  Cheque book for Chhattisgarh



Having just spent a week in Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh, visiting villages in
daytime and returning at night to the booming cities of Ranchi and Raipur, I
once again came face to face with two stark issues facing India
today—inequitable growth and an uncaring system.



We are well-set on a path of deeply inequitable growth, with all its
attendant problems—hopeless unemployment, increasing crime and Naxalism and
environmental degradation. The recent rise in food prices makes growth even
more inequitable as inflation reduces the real wage rate of the poor.



Yet, our uncaring system continues with its well-rehearsed response,
captured in the Hindi proverb—"Andha baante rewri, dey apne ko baar baar" (A
blind man distributing candy, gives it to himself again and again). There is
no dearth of poverty alleviation schemes, both at the national and the state
level. Funding is enormous, typically exceeding Rs 400-500 crore per
district per year. But the manner in which all these schemes are
implemented, including purposive wrong selection of the non-poor and
systematic corruption, ensures that most of the benefit does not go to the
poor. The "system", whose visible face is the local politician and the local
administrator, and increasingly, "contractor" NGOs, does not care what
happens to the poor, as long it gets its cut.



In this scenario, where does one turn to? One way is to support the
livelihood initiatives of a large number of economically active poor
households, who need access to finance, with amounts as little as Rs 5,000.
Since 1970, the Government has been trying to do this, first by
nationalising banks, opening rural branches, and then launching the IRDP in
1980, a programme designed to give subsidised loans to families below the
poverty line. When this showed disappointing results (only about 20% of IRDP
loans were repaid), a second round of effort was begun with the self-help
group (SHG)-bank linkage program, which gathered momentum since 2001, now
reaching nearly 60 million households.



If one looks at the list of policy initiatives, institutions and branches,
it is impressive. Yet the numbers of the poor reached are low. In the areas
that I visited, less than one in ten adults had a bank account, yet almost
every household could have benefited from having an account. But one does
not have to go to Jharkhand—just ask your maid or driver about their
experience of opening a bank account in a big city—to know that India cannot
have equitable growth without universal financial inclusion.



What does financial inclusion mean? To me it means step by step enhancement
of the ability of the poor to participate in the financial system. The first
step of financial inclusion is financial literacy and the second is the
opening of a "no-frills" bank account. The poor also need other financial
services—payments (such as NREGA or old-age pensions); remittances (from
family members who have migrated to cities); savings services with
neighbourhood collection/withdrawal facility; and insurance—for life,
health, crops, livestock, etcetera. After all this comes consumption credit
and finally a loan for working capital or asset purchase.



To make this happen, what India needs is a nationwide electronic financial
inclusion system (Nefis) to enable small transactions to happen in an
affordable and secure manner. All government payments like the NREGA and old
age pensions, as well remittances from family members who have migrated to
cities, can be made using Nefis into "no-frills" bank accounts of poor
households. All no-frills account holders can be extended group life and
group health insurance. Once the cashflow history and savings balance builds
up in these accounts, banks can initially give overdrafts and then extend
term loans. Future loans can be based on repayment history, which could be
made available through Nefis to any lender.



The front-end of Nefis would be the "business correspondent" (BC), a new
channel for providing financial services, comparable to the STD PCO for
telecom services. RBI had announced its approval of this idea in January
2006 but soon after that RBI started backtracking. First it limited the BC
outlets to post offices, retired school masters and NGOs. The idea never
took off, with less than 600 BCs in action compared to a million STD PCOs.



More recently, RBI has limited BC outlets to no more than 15 km of a parent
bank branch. This is another example of an uncaring system. Who cares if 90%
or more of people in 300 districts do not have access to financial services?
Who cares if the poor lose their savings to unregulated operators? What
matters is that RBI can say that the system which it regulates (a system
that includes 10% or less people in 50% of our districts, and several urban
areas, as per the Rangarajan Committee on Financial Inclusion), is without
blemish. Regulatory reputation and supervisory convenience is more important
to RBI than financial inclusion.



With no jobs, and the possibility of self-employment foreclosed due to lack
of financial access, one begins to understand why a large number of youth in
Jharkhand and Chhatisgarh are joining militant outfits.



Vijay Mahajan is chairman of Basix, a microfinance company. He was a member
of the Rangarajan Committee on Financial Inclusion and the Raghuram Rajan
Committee on Financial Sector Reforms





  financialexpress.com/printer/news/309235/



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