'Ideology of Contestation': Europe's Muslims May Be Headed Where the
Marxists Went Before

December 26, 2004
 By CRAIG S. SMITH 

PARIS 

WHEN Azzedine Belthoub was growing up in the shantytowns
outside of Nanterre, France, 40 years ago, the people who
came to take the young North African kids to swim in the
community pool, to register them for school and give them
candy and comic books, were Marxists. The French Communist
Party offered a political voice for the working classes,
including the growing number of North African immigrants
imported to fill labor shortages after the war. 

Today, Islam plays that role, especially in France, where
men like Mr. Belthoub, wearing long beards and short
djellabas, reach out to the poor and disillusioned in the
country's working-class neighborhoods. Young Arabs and
Africans here have turned to Islam with the same fervor
that the idealistic youth of the 1960's turned toward
Marxism. 

"Now, religion has become our identity," Mr. Belthoub said
last week, sitting in a friend's small apartment in a
largely Muslim suburb north of Paris. 

The question is whether Islam in Europe will follow the
same path that Communism did here, shedding its
revolutionary extremism, electing mayors and legislators
and assimilating itself into normal democratic political
life. 

As with Marxism in the 1960's, Islam in Europe has its
radical fringe and its pragmatic mainstream. The latter is
much the broader, intent on expanding Muslims' political
power in French society. It has consciously mimicked many
of the tactics of the left, including organizing summer
camps where urban young people learn the tenets of the
movement. 

The narrower, but in many ways more potent stream, draws
its inspiration from the fundamentalist clerics of Saudi
Arabia, and seeks to isolate its adherents from the
surrounding society. Though predominantly pacifist, it
contains a militant fringe analogous to the violent Marxist
groups that operated in Europe decades ago. 

That militant fringe makes headlines, though, and colors
the whole movement, both in the way young Muslims
understand their faith and in the way the larger society
sees and deals with Islam, just as the bombers and
kidnappers of the Red Brigades and the Baader-Meinhof Gang
did to European Communism in the 1960's. 

But the eventual evaporation of hard-line Marxism in Europe
may offer clues to how the Islamist trend could play out.
Disowned by the pragmatic left, Europe's militant Marxist
fringe was isolated and repressed, while governments
pursued social policies that to some measure addressed the
grievances of the poor and dispossessed, which had animated
the radicals. 

Islam's growth in Europe as the most vibrant ideology of
the downtrodden is part of a wave of religiosity that has
swept the Arab world in the past 30 years, propelled by
frustration over feeble economies, uneven distribution of
wealth and the absence of political freedom there. 

Like Communism, it represents for many of its born-again
adherents a transnational ideology tilting toward an
eventual utopian vision, in this case of a vast, if not
global, caliphate governed according to Shariah, the legal
code based on the Koran. 

Many people see the rise of Islam here as a sort of
Boabdil's revenge, restoring the faith that withdrew after
Boabdil, the emir of Granada, now southern Spain,
surrendered the embattled Moors' last foothold in Western
Europe 500 years ago. 

For them, the religion's return opens another chapter in a
centuries-long struggle between Christendom and Islam for
the domination of Europe. The Muslim community's high
birthrate and the continent's need for more immigration as
its native population ages have led to talk about the
gradual Islamization of Europe. 

But the religion's appeal reaches beyond the communities of
Arab and African immigrants born to the faith. There are an
estimated 50,000 Muslim converts in France alone today, and
the first mosque to be built in Granada since Boabdil's
retreat was the work of European converts, not Arab
immigrants. Many of these people have taken up the religion
as a way to define themselves against traditional European
culture, whose values they reject for economic or spiritual
reasons. 

"Islam has replaced Marxism as the ideology of
contestation," says Olivier Roy, a French scholar of
European Islam. "When the left collapsed, the Islamists
stepped in." 

Islam's role isn't entirely accidental. The political left
reached out to Muslims during the 1970's, as other groups
moved up and out of Europe's working-class neighborhoods.
In France, Socialists and Communists alike established
associations in the housing projects, attracting many
young, politically active Arab men. 

But those alliances withered, as frustrated Arab youths
turned away from politics. In France, the rupture followed
several defining events, including the 1981 bulldozing of
an immigrant shelter by the Communist mayor of
Ivry-sur-Seine, a Paris suburb. That betrayal was followed
by the disillusionment of a 1985 civil rights march that
brought little concrete action. 

Communist cadres, meanwhile, resisted the rise of young
Arabs, known colloquially as "beurs," within their
organization. By the end of the decade, when a young Arab
man was killed during a demonstration in Paris, the left's
credibility in that group was dead. 

Islamic organizations soon began channeling the frustrated
youth toward religion. Among the first was the Association
of Islamic Students in France, which distributed Islamist
texts in French. The Tabligh, a fundamentalist missionary
movement followed, and in the 1980's, the Union of Islamic
Organizations of France became active on university
campuses; the union now dominates Islam's growing political
role in France. 

The map of France's Islamists today largely matches that of
the country's Marxists from decades ago. Many predominantly
Muslim municipalities are still under Communist-led
administrations, but Islamic organizations are now the
active ones on the ground. "We see clearly in Lyon, for
example, how the structure that was part of the left passed
bit by bit in the hands of the Islamists," Mr. Roy said. 

The religion's institutional presence has since blossomed.
Europe's first generation of Muslim immigrants made do
without mosques, halal butchers or easy access to the hajj,
the pilgrimage to Mecca that is an obligation of all
Muslims; the current generation has all of those things,
along with a plethora of educational texts, video and
audiocassettes and conferences to expand their knowledge of
Islam. 

The Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks only increased interest
in the religion, and the growing institutions have met
surging demand. 

"We're rejected everywhere, and so the only place we feel
at peace is in our religion," said Issam El-Zryouly, 19,
whose family moved to France from Morocco when he was 6.
Like many of his peers, Mr. Zryouly has redefined himself
as a Muslim after a few aimless years of drug use and petty
crime. 

But Islam's role as a beacon for the downtrodden may wane,
in part because of its very success: the necessary
compromises with the surrounding community that are
inherent in economic and political participation could dull
its edge and sap its momentum, as they did for Marxism. 

Beyond the militant minority, the inward-looking
fundamentalists are by definition politically
insignificant. Once the more mainstream, upwardly mobile
Arab or African young people move out of their
working-class neighborhoods, "they aren't perceived as
Muslim any more, and the vast majority aren't interested in
using their religion as a social and political marker,"
says Gilles Kepel, author of "The War for Muslim Minds." 

So, Islam as an ideology of the repressed may hold its
allure only as long as the immigrant community's economic
and political dislocation lasts. 

http://www.nytimes.com/2004/12/26/weekinreview/26smith.html?ex=1105074866&ei
=1&en=195ab0df6c98231b




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