http://frontpagemag.com/Articles/Printable.asp?ID=16432
The Israeli Crime That Wasnât
By Alyssa A. Lappen
FrontPageMagazine.com | December 28, 2004
More than four years have passed since the picture of Mohammed Al-Durrah was
aired across the world, but the public still imagines the boy's Sept. 30, 2000
presence at Netzarim junction in terms described by President Clinton in My
Life:
As the violence persisted, two vivid images of its pain and futility
emerged,â he writes: âa twelve year old Palestinian boy shot in the
crossfire and dying in his father's arms and two Israeli soldiers pulled from a
building and beaten to death, with their lifeless bodies dragged through the
streets and one of their assailants proudly showing his bloodstained hands to
the world on television.
Al-Durrah should never have been juxtaposed with a lynching, much less by the
leader of the free world. Two weeks after the al-Durrah tape aired, two Jewish
soldiers lost their way in Ramallah, where they were savagely beaten to death,
their innards eaten by hysterical and frenzied crowds screaming âAllah
Akbarâ â God is great â and seeking revenge for the supposed death of the
boy. Indeed, the Al-Durrah case is nothing more than a classic Islamic
incitement to jihad.
But evidently, the shooting was merely photographic. âThe violence erupted
after the Al-Durrah incident,â notes Daniel Seaman, director of Israel's
Government Press Office, who openly calls the incident a hoax, a staged forgery.
Since Seaman made this charge publicly in late 2002, few mainstream news media
have picked up the story. These include the European Wall Street Journal and
New York Sun, which both ran columns in November, respectively by Stephane
Juffa, the Metula Press Agency (MENA) chief in Israel, and Nidra Poller, an
American expatriate writer living in France.
Nearly two years ago, France 2 Jerusalem bureau chief Charles Enderlin â also
the vice president of Israel's foreign press association â threatened to sue.
On Jan. 2, 2003, the legal adviser to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon wrote to
Enderlin, noting that Israel is a free country. Seaman named neither Enderlin
nor France 2. But if he felt injured by Seaman's remarks, Enderlin was more
than welcome to take appropriate legal action. The counsel advised Enderlin
that Israel had âreliable informationâ that the case was indeed a fraud,
the counsel advised Enderlin, however. At long last, in November, attorneys of
France 2 and Enderlin have sued in France â not Seaman, not Israel, not
Metula, not the Wall Street Journal, but âX.â
Before detailing French statutes making such a preposterous case possible, a
brief recap of the Al-Durrah hoax is in order. On Sept. 30, 2000, dozens of
reporters and cameraman waited around for news as children lobbed stones,
Molotov cocktails and heavy appliances from the ground and nearby buildings
onto the roof of the only Israeli guard post at Netzarim Junction. In a superb
investigative coup, renowned Israeli physicist Nacham Shahaf wrested three
hours of raw Sept. 30 newsreels from Reuters and the Associated Press. These
rushes show very clearly that the Israelis shot only when fired upon, and that
Palestinians walked around without fear.
Another important fact shows too: the Israeli post was situated at a very wide
angle to the position of Jamal and Mohammed Al-Durrah â behind a Palestinian
warehouse two times its own height.
In other words, even if the Israelis were filmed shooting, which they weren't,
it was physically impossible for them to have wounded either Mohammed or his
father, Jamal Al-Durrah, who were crouched, entirely out of view, behind a
barrel topped by a cement cinder block. On the Al-Durrahs' side, moreover, the
barrel has no bullet holes. If bullets penetrated it from the Israeli side,
they did not come out.
Whoever shot at the Al-Durrahs that day, it was not the Israelis. Shooting
footage was Talal Abu Rahmeh, a Palestinian stringer for AP and Reuters, who
created the icon of supposed Israeli brutality. Abu Rahmeh said under oath that
he shot 27 minutes of film. In tapes broadcast worldwide, he asserted that
Israeli soldiers subjected the man and the boy to 45 minutes of withering fire,
that Israelis intentionally shot the boy dead.
Abu Rahmeh said the boy bled for 20 minutes. The father said he was shot in the
hand, arm and leg and that his elbow and pelvis were crushed--and that a bullet
ripped through his son's stomach and exited from his back.
But in the rushes, there is no blood on either the victims or the ground. The
supposed 27 minutes of footage was apparently less than three minutes. Three
hours of additional rushes from AP and Reuters obtained by Shahaf show much
more besides.
At the rear of the warehouse, inside a hollowed-out room, several armed and
uniformed Palestinian Arabs were filmed on Sept. 30, 2000, talking calmly with
directors. The latter then clear the area before takes. Since when do fighters
take their cues from civilians?
Later the same day, at least five AP and Reuters photographers taped the same
Palestinians firing through a large hole in the rear cinder block wall into the
empty warehouse room they had quietly occupied hours earlier. At whom were they
firing? The Israeli position was on the other side of the warehouse, in a
building half the size. Given their lack of fear and the positive glee of
bystanders, these men were surely acting.
Thirty people were reportedly killed and hundreds wounded that day, but the
rushes show not one critical injury. Every evacuation was careless of its
effects on the supposed patients. One man grabs his leg as if shot, but like
the Al-Durrahs remains unbloodied. He is then roughly loaded onto a gurney â
on his âinjuredâ leg. Another young man hands off a Molotov cocktail before
being swooped into his colleagues' arms and thrown into the back of a waiting
prop â one of several Red Crescent and U.N. ambulances. Actors clap and laugh
as its doors close. Others were caught sunbathing, talking on cell phones,
standing nonchalantly, their backs turned to the Israelis. Clearly, these are
mises en scene.
Only Talal Abu Rahmeh, with alleged ties to terror groups, filmed the supposed
shooting of Mohammed Al-Durrah. No one taped the evacuation of the wounded boy
and his father.
Finally, a Reuters cameraman behind the Al-Durrahs caught many others running
by in supposed fear as the boy and his father talked calmly in the background
and stayed put behind their barrel.
Says Enderlin now: âI am really fed up with this story. We are very confident
it was not staged, and there is no doubt about that. Our cameraman caught the
scene, and other cameramen were there and they caught part of the scene.â
Really? That is not what Enderlin said at the time. Indeed, on Sept. 30, 2000,
he personally hand-delivered copies of the France 2 footage to every major
foreign news outfit at the Jerusalem Journalism Studio House, according to
MENA's Stephane Juffa. If the incident were real, wouldn't other cameramen also
have grabbed some footage?
Enderlin also says now: âWe NEVER got any formal request about any inquiry or
complaint about Mohammed Al-Durrah from any Israeli Authority. I wrote the
Israeli Army spokesman in November 2000 that our legal department might
consider an official request to participate in an inquiry. I NEVER got any
answer.â By Enderlin's reckoning, the official Israeli investigation under
the direction of General Yom Tov Samia and Physicist Nacham Shahaf was not
official.
Now Enderlin is suing âX.â One of those ostensibly covered by this legal
appellation is Philippe Karsenty, who runs the Media-Ratings Agency in Paris,
the first organization in France to objectively critique and expose the routine
manipulations of its foreign print and broadcast media. The agency has taken on
many other issues, too, at its www.m-r.fr Web site. âThe democracy in France
stops when the press follows foreign affairs,â says Karsenty today.
âAll the media are talking the same language and have corporate attitudes. If
the media says the moon is green, then the moon is green for everyone.â Since
France 2 is, like the British Broadcasting Corporation, government-funded and
chartered, correcting this outrage can occur only with help from French
politicos.
To that end, Karsenty on Nov. 28 visited French Minister of Culture and
Communications Renaud Donnedieu de Vabres and on Dec. 3 showed his counselors
MENA's film, exposing the fraud. âThey were shocked,â he says, adding that
Media-Ratings will not be intimidated by the France 2 suit.
The network evidently hopes to use a statute most often applied to criminal
cases in which the perpetrators are unknown. âBy suing X,â says Juffa,
âthey are saying, 'Please investigate and discover who did it'.â Enderlin
himself confirms as much. âFor French justice, a name and address on a Web
site is not proof that the person is the author of the material,â he says.
France 2 could âfile against these people, but since you have no proof that
they are a company registered under the law, [you] cannot file a suit against
[them]. The judge must file against these people. ...â At press time,
Enderlin's attorney had not responded to questions.
But Metula, Media-Ratings, the Wall Street Journal and the New York Sun, are
well-known companies with published addresses. âThey have taken a big
risk,â says Juffa. âThe prosecutor in this case must include the Wall
Street Journal in the procedure, must include the state of Israel, must include
Daniel Seaman.â Moreover, some years ago, in a hearing before 40 witnesses,
Enderlin publicly refused to provide Israeli General Yom Tov Samia with a full
set of tapes. If France 2's case ever goes to trial, which Juffa and Karsenty
doubt, Enderlin will be obliged to produce the evidence that seems to
contradict almost everything he has said to date.
The list of anomalies goes on and on. The major ones:
1. The tapes show no blood on the Al-Durrahs or, following their evacuation,
at the scene.
2. Only Abu Rahmeh caught the incident on film, although several other
cameramen were present.
3. Doctors Juna Saka and Mohammed El Dawil at the Shifa hospital in Gaza say
the father and boy arrived at the hospital between noon and 1p.m., but Enderlin
reported that the incident began at 3 p.m.
4. The evacuation was not filmed.
5. The tapes show no bullet holes on the Al-Durrahs' side of the barrel.
6. No bullets were ever recovered.
7. Palestinian Arab officials ordered no autopsy and conducted no
investigation.
8. In three hours of Palestinian-produced rushes, Israelis were not seen
firing.
9. In the background, Palestinian cameramen loitered casually, without fear.
10. At the hospital, France 2 tapes show a body much larger than that of
Mohammed Al-Durrah, with surgical abdominal wounds, not wounds from
high-powered gunshots, according to forensic medical experts who have seen the
France 2, Reuters and AP footage.
11. Shots fired at the Al-Durrahs triggered small round clouds of smoke.
Subsequent ballistic tests showed that only head-on shots could produce such
small circular clouds. Upon impact, shots fired at a wide angle throw off great
clouds of smoke in the opposite direction.
The bottom line: the tapes suggest that the man and boy were not shot, period,
least of all by the Israelis.
Speaking last summer, Foreign Ministry press director Gideon Meir said that
reopening this four-year-old case would only cause more damage to Israel: The
myth has taken on a life of its own, he said. Besides, some Israeli newsmen
say, exposing the lies of Palestinian newsmen and leaders would be like
reporting that it rains in the spring, or it's hot in August. It's not news.
But the power of the myth may be precisely why Israel should make a federal
case of this affair. Perhaps the Jewish state will do so if France 2 ever
presses its case. After all, Mohammed Al-Durrah played a huge role in the
incitement to global jihad; the episode has real significance as the first
blood libel of the 21st century.
Press behavior was equivalent to that in the 19th century Dreyfus Affair. For
the media industry, this case could be equivalent in scale to the Enron
accounting scandal.
In September and October 2000, the endless airing of newsreels and photos from
this non-event immediately wiped out all good will generated by Prime Minister
Ehud Barak's historic offer of peace at Camp David II. It directly prompted
Arab riots in Israel, resulting in the deaths of 13 youths two days later. âI
live in the Galilee with many Arabs,â says Juffa. âAfter this incident, I
went to talk to them.â Until then, they knew (and trusted) Israeli policy
that forbade shooting at civilians. âBut after seeing these tapes over and
over, they thought the Israeli policy had changed,â he continues. âThey
thought their lives were at stake and they were in danger.â
The affair also fired the largest worldwide wave of jihad attacks on Jews in
history. Daniel Pearl's murderers used Al-Durrah's image in their grisly snuff
film. Hamas leader Abdel Aziz Rantisi referred to the case, as did even Osama
bin Laden. If Mohammed Al-Durrah is the poster boy of the 21st century jihad,
Jews are at the epicenter of the hatred.
For the more than 30,000 attacks on Jews and Jewish institutions in Israel,
1,000 killed and thousands wounded, hundreds of far less publicized incidents
have occurred worldwide. Jewish schools and synagogues have been firebombed in
London, Munich and Paris, and rabbis have been stabbed in broad daylight.
In Texas in August 2003, Ariel Sellouk was murdered by a longtime Muslim
friend. In France one year ago, Jewish shopkeeper Chantal Piekolek and famed
Parisian DJ Sebastian Sellam were brutally murdered within one 24-hour period.
Sellam was the son of refugees from Morocco and spoke fluent Arabic. He met his
death in his parking garage, en route to work. A Muslim that he had known since
childhood slit his throat, carved up his face with a fork and gouged out his
eyes. The Muslim then climbed the stairs to the Sellams' apartment and showed
the horrified mother his bloody hands. âI have killed my Jew,â he said.
âI will go to heaven.â Piekolek's 10-year-old daughter heard her mother's
murder while cowering in the shop storage room. Neither of these murders was
reported in the mainstream French press. In all three instances, officials
dismissed anti-Semitism as the motive. Shouldn't law enforcement officials call
jihad a motive?
The Western press corps in Israel â too politicized to believe that
Palestinians might lie about the Al-Durrah episode, and much else besides â
is almost certainly taken in daily by many more (albeit smaller) hoaxes.
Journalists are undoubtedly duped, in turn duping the global public, at Jewish
expense. Ultimately, the survival of Western civilization may hang on press
refusal to apply professional skepticism equally to both sides.
Consider these examples:
â In April 2002, Rula Amin of CNN alleged, through photographs, that
Israel was imposing a Holocaust on Palestinians in the village of Rumana. She
appeared with a naked man, wrapped in an army blanket, who had been
incarcerated for only 36 hours but looked starved nearly to death. He was
probably ill. But this scene silently invoked the Holocaust, and her text
almost didn't matter. CNN apparently later edited or deleted the account.
â This year, when terrorists forced young boys to carry suicide bombs, one
Irish newscaster suggested that Israel wants the world to see âa young boy,
allegedly ready to kill.â She stated Palestinian allegations, however, as
fact. For most commentators, this is routine.
â In June 2003, a BBC special report on weapons of mass destruction
accused Israel of using poison gas on Palestinians. The report was based solely
on Palestinian allegations. The BBC excluded proof, issued the same day, that
the allegations were false. The reporters consulted no scientists or medical
officials â and simply repeated the blood libel perpetrated in 1983,
described by Raphael Israeli in the book Poison. Palestinians then alleged that
Israel had used poison gas to contaminate a girls school, a case later
unequivocally proven to be mass hysteria.
â Once errors have been made, says Malcolm Downing, a BBC assignment
editor, there is no effective way to make corrections. âThe truth is racing
away, and the correction is laying behind,â he said. âWe never catch up,
and that's true for everyone else in addition to us.â Asked if anything could
be done about that, he said, âI don't think there is, to be honest.â There
would be, if only the press would post its corrections under banner headlines
on the front pages. The Al-Durrah case deserves such treatment.
â After cartoonist Dave Brown depicted Ariel Sharon eating babies, one
reporter asked British Cartoon Society director Dr. Tim Bensen why Arafat was
not depicted eating babies. âMaybe because Jews don't issue fatwas,â he
said. âWell, if you upset an Islamic or a Muslim group, fatwas can be issued
by an ayatollah and such like. ... [Cartoonists] could be in trouble ... [if
they] depict an Arab leader in the same manner. They could suffer death,
couldn't they? It's rather different.â
In other words, the media are not only political, they are also intimidated.
Last summer, a spokesman for Prime Minister Ra'anan Gissin and Foreign Ministry
Press officer Gideon Meir suggested that the U.S. press is most friendly to
Israel. Certainly, the press outside the U.S. is more hostile to Israel.
Nevertheless, interviews with a few reporters at major U.S. metropolitan
dailies showed the differences are not all that great.
Take Washington Post bureau Chief John Anderson, who has spent the better part
of the last decade in Iran, Central Asia and Turkey, but learned not a single
language spoken in those places. In Israel for the last two years, he and his
wife, Molly Moore, speak neither Arabic nor Hebrew, and rely totally on
translators to conduct interviews and report. They were in Istanbul for 13
months before moving as a âtwoferâ team to Jerusalem. They planned the move
for six months, but say they could not learn the languages while working. In 13
years as foreign correspondents, the only foreign language they learned was
Spanish, while in Mexico.
Anderson admits that Israeli translators are unimpeachable, while Palestinians
are merely good. Their chief advantage, he says, is being âon the ground in
the territories,â where Israelis cannot go. As for context, he admits to
having read no regional history before or during his tenure in Jerusalem. He
sees himself as something of a âfireman,â what is known in the trade as an
âambulance chaser.â
Furthermore, despite a decade of reporting from Islamic nations, Anderson has
never learned the dominant laws or tenets of Islam, much less the laws of
jihad. These laws require Muslims to invite infidels to Islam, and if they
reject the faith, to prosecute holy war. They apply even in modern times.
Anderson contends that writing for 13 years with Farsi, Arabic, Kurdish,
Hebrew, Spanish, Tamil, Hindu and Pashtan translators, he and Moore have
learned enough to accurately weigh the veracity of translations. It is
sufficient, he says, to know an interpreter's level of English proficiency,
education and his political leanings â which Moore and Anderson ascertain
while en route to appointments and from the types of interviews he arranges.
But Western reporters in Israel are 100 percent reliant on Palestinian
âfixers,â as reporters call them, say journalists and officials. The vast
majority come with political and ideological baggage. A few attempt to report
the truth about corruption, murder and censorship in the territories, says one
unusual Palestinian journalist, but 99 percent â and 100 percent of the
fixers for the Washington Post and New York Times â are allied with the PLO,
Fateh, Hamas, Islamic Jihad or even Hezbollah. Their understanding of the truth
is correspondingly one-sided.
âYou can't blame the Palestinians,â says the Palestinian. âThis is the
way they were trained, to be loyal, not to air the dirty laundry, this is media
in the Arab world,â he says. âUnfortunately, 100 percent of the fixers see
themselves as foot soldiers in the revolution. They will not tell foreign
journalists anything that reflects badly on the PA.â As an Israeli journalist
notes, they are also starving, and most can be bought for $50. Consequently,
Western reporters rely too heavily on spokesmen like Nabil Sha'ath and Sa'eb
Erekat, and when a corruption scandal hits the news, they are surprised.
Foreign journalists in Israel come in four stripes. They may be flown in for
one-shot coverage. They may know nothing and realize they know nothing. They
may know a little and assume they know much more. But more often than not, they
know nothing and don't want to know. The last type are especially âarrogant,
[and] prejudiced against Israel, and do not let the facts get in the way,â
says the Palestinian journalist. Even Americans are overly sympathetic to
Palestinians and hostile to Israel.
Dig deeply, and the picture of the foreign press in Israel deteriorates
further. Evidently, networks and newspapers rarely if ever investigate
reporters before hiring or posting them to assignments. A few cases in point:
1. Lawahez Ga'abri, also known as Lawahez Burgal and for her membership in
the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine since age 15, has applied for
a press pass under the auspices of NBC. Its producers â and indeed, the staff
of the Columbia Journalism School â seem unaware that she belongs to a group
listed by the State Department as a terror organization.
2. Most Palestinian journalists have been imprisoned at some time â for
genuine cause, says the Palestinian reporter.
3. Ali Durehmeh, a reporter for the Associated Press for nine months, spent
the prior two years as a âfield researcherâ for B'tselem, according to
spokesman Noam Hoffstater in Jerusalem. Its methods of verifying information
also seem extremely shoddy. They are based solely on Palestinian allegations
and generally lack rigorous crosschecks with medical and other officials. It is
one thing to allege murder, and another to verify the identity of a body â
and scientifically establish the cause of death.
4. Leileh Odeh, an Abu Dhabi network journalist whose press pass was revoked
in April 2002 but who continues stringing for foreign news organizations, in
2003 appeared as a translator and mediator for the family of Marwan Barghouti,
who was then on trial for serial terrorism. Odeh was instructing the children
how to respond to questions, says the GPO director Seaman, who personally
witnessed the episode.
5. In March 2002, a German journalist was filmed instructing Arabs to find
him some good pictures featuring the devastation that was falsely and widely
reported worldwide.
6. Wafa Amer, a Jordanian reporter, printed false hearsay from an unnamed
Palestinian source accusing the Israel Defense Forces of beating and murdering
a victim whose brains he said had oozed out.
7. Charles Enderlin consults for French government officials and the
European Union, both clear conflicts of interest, say others who know him.
8. In March 2002, a prominent Israeli TV newsman, an immigrant from an Arab
country fluent in Arabic, overheard this conversation: in a Jerusalem elevator,
two Palestinians working for foreign news agencies plotted to preserve bodies
from the Jenin hospital, so as to inter them in mass graves and later accuse
Israel of mass murder.
9. Israeli officials allege that press passes provide cover for many evils:
one reporter passes information to Hamas in Samaria and Judea; another works as
a Russian spy; a third transferred suicide bombers in his car; an Australian
transported armed terrorists from one part of the disputed territories to
another. Following a suicide attack that killed three, a reporter was caught
photographing Israeli targets for its enemies. Others charge that a key
Ha'aretz reporter leaks information to PA operatives in Hebron.
The first victims of the corrupt Palestinian Authority and press naÃvetà are
Arabs. âThis peace is killing us,â says another Palestinian reporter who,
after the Palestinian leadership, blames the Western press most of all. âAn
entire generation has been irretrievably destroyed.â
In 1993, if the foreign press had reported on the corruption, murder and
totalitarianism in the Palestinian Authority, says this Palestinian source, the
current war might have been avoided. But the mainstream press treats
Palestinians âwith silk gloves.â
The Washington Post's Anderson, however, admits none of this. Questioned about
alliances of his own Arab translators, he says: âI don't believe all the
fixers are affiliated. If they are and you don't know it, you haven't done a
very good job.â As for his own fixers, âwe use very independent minded
people,â he says. Not according to others who know them.
Translators would not lie to the point of fabricating stories, says Anderson.
âThey have a point of view, they have an agenda, and they try to get their
point of view across. I try to play it down the middle.â
But playing it down the middle, for him, means accepting the Palestinian
charge, for example, that Israelis once set up a roadblock outside Ramallah
simply to dismantle it for show and put it up again a few miles down the road
when no pressmen were looking. âThey made the cage a little bit bigger. ...
The whole thing was a scam,â he says.
As to whether the Al-Durrah case was also a scam, Anderson last summer thought
it unlikely. âThere were so many camera crews,â he says. âYou never want
to say never, but on a news story that big, if it was totally bogus, it would
have gotten out. ... There is not a vast conspiracy among Palestinian
journalists to keep that kind of thing quiet.â
On the contrary, says a Palestinian journalist, the Arab press organizes so as
not to reflect badly on their leaders, whatever that requires. Anderson thinks
he knows better.
In other interviews with foreign journalists the results were pretty much the
same: a lot of skepticism greets the notion that Palestinians fabricate news.
âIt's part of being a professional and a correspondent and a fireman, to be
able to assess the situation, get over the language barriers and get on [the
story],â says Anderson. By this reckoning, foreign pressmen in Israel are
nothing more than cub reporters and most think, like Anderson, âin fact there
is incitement on both sides.â
So, was Mohammed Al-Durrah an incitement? Anderson of the Washington Post would
say no, and the vast majority would agree with him.
In the end, dismantling this press roadblock to the truth will take another
Emile Zola. Failing that, readers should assume that news fakery will continue
to erode the very underpinnings of our way of life. They should also apply to
reports from Palestinian Authority areas the skepticism that newsmen do not.
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