http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/DL05Ak01.html

 

Islamism, fascism and terrorism (Part 4)

By Marc Erikson 

 

Islamism, fascism and terrorism (Part 1) 

 

Islamism, fascism and terrorism (Part 2) 

 

Islamism, fascism and terrorism (Part 3) 

 

An early convert to Sayyid Qutb's new-fangled fascist Islamism which
condones, indeed commands, terrorism and murder was the alleged number two
man of Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda, Ayman al-Zawahiri. [see part 2]. Having
joined the Muslim Brotherhood at age 15, he was caught in the Nasser dragnet
after the 1965 assassination attempt on the Egyptian leader and - young age
and elite family background notwithstanding - was thrown in jail. An April
1968 amnesty freed most of the brethren, and Ayman, in that regard following
in his father's footsteps, went on to Cairo University to become a
physician. He obtained his degree in 1974 and practiced medicine for several
years. 

 

His profession, however, was not his calling. By the late 1970s, he was back
full-time in the Islamist revolution business agitating against the
Egypt-Israel peace treaty (concluded in 1979). In 1980, on the introduction
by military intelligence officer Abbud al-Zumar, he became a leading member
of the Jama'at al-Jihad of Muhammad Abd-al-Salam Faraj which on October 6,
1981, assassinated President Anwar El Sadat while he was reviewing a
military parade. 

 

Faraj, like al-Zawahiri, had been a member of the Muslim Brotherhood, but
became disenchanted with its passivity. In 1979, he penned a short pamphlet
titled "The Neglected Obligation" (al-Farida al-Gha'ibah), which relied
heavily on the ideas of Sayyid Qutb. It became the founding document of
al-Jihad, arguing along the familiar lines that acceptance of a government
was only possible and legitimate when that government fully implemented
Sharia, or Islamic law. Contemporary Egypt had not done so, and was thus
suffering from jahiliyya. Jihad to rectify this, wrote Faraj, was not only
the "neglected obligation" of Muslims, but in fact their most important
duty. 

 

Following the Sadat assassination, al-Zawahiri was arrested on a minor
weapons possession charge and spent three years in jail. In 1985 he left
Egypt for Saudi Arabia and later Peshawar, Pakistan, where he was joined by
Muhammad al-Islambuli, the brother of one of Sadat's five assassins,
24-year-old artillery lieutenant Khalid Ahmed Shawki al-Islambuli. There,
connections were made with the groups of Palestinian Islamist Abdullah Azzam
and the latter's one-time student Osama bin Laden, by then fully engaged
(with well-known CIA support) in assisting the mujahideen struggle against
Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. 

 

Al-Zawahiri's al-Jihad was in many respects better organized and better
trained than other groups in the Afghanistan theater. Prior to the murder of
Sadat, it had succeeded in recruiting members of the presidential guard,
military intelligence and the civil bureaucracy. Most importantly, it was in
possession of a cogent and comprehensive ideology pointing beyond the Afghan
struggle against the Soviet occupiers. "Afghanistan should be a platform for
the liberation of the entire Muslim world," was the distinguishing creed of
al-Jihad. 

 

Al-Zawahiri wrote several books on Islamic movements, the best known of
which is The Bitter Harvest (1991/92), a critical assessment of the failings
of the Muslim Brotherhood. In it, he draws not only on the writings of
Sayyid Qutb to justify murder and terrorism, but prominently references
Pakistani Jamaat-i-Islami founder and ideologue Mawdudi on the global
mission of Islamic jihad. 

 

Mawdudi had written, "Islam wants the whole earth and does not content
itself with only a part thereof. It wants and requires the entire inhabited
world. It does not want this in order that one nation dominates the earth
and monopolizes its sources of wealth, after having taken them away from one
or more other nations. No, Islam wants and requires the earth in order that
the human race altogether can enjoy the concept and practical program of
human happiness, by means of which God has honored Islam and put it above
the other religions and laws. In order to realize this lofty desire, Islam
wants to employ all forces and means that can be employed for bringing about
a universal all-embracing revolution. It will spare no effort for the
achievement of this supreme objective. This far-reaching struggle that
continuously exhausts all forces and this employment of all possible means
are called jihad." 

 

And further, "Islam is a revolutionary doctrine and system that overturns
governments. It seeks to overturn the whole universal social order ... and
establish its structure anew ... Islam seeks the world. It is not satisfied
by a piece of land but demands the whole universe ... Islamic jihad is at
the same time offensive and defensive ... The Islamic party does not
hesitate to utilize the means of war to implement its goal." 

 

Not just or even principally the expulsion of the Soviets from Afghanistan
or the removal of any one godless Muslim regime, but global jihad as Mawdudi
had prescribed, became al-Zawahiri's obsession. And he acted as he had read
and written. After several years in Afghanistan and Pakistan, constructing
there the platform from which to launch broader pursuits, Zawahiri traveled
extensively on Swiss, French and Dutch passports in Western Europe and even
the United States on fund-raising, recruiting and reconnaissance missions.
Then came initial implementation of the offensive. 

 

It is not known whether he had a hand in the 1993 bombing of the New York
World Trade Center. But he had close connections to Sheikh Omar Abdel
Rahman, the spiritual leader of the group that carried out the attack. Then,
in 1995, he was behind the truck bomb attack on the Egyptian embassy in
Pakistan; in November 1997, he led the Vanguards of Conquest group
responsible for the Luxor (Egypt) massacre in which 60 foreign tourists were
systematically murdered and mutilated; in August 1998, he organized the
bombings of the US embassies in Kenya and Tanzania; and probably, in 2000,
the speed-boat bomb attack on the USS Cole in Aden. Israeli intelligence
considers him the "operational brains" behind September 11; the fact, in any
case, is that the Egyptian Mohammed Atta, principal of the Hamburg, Germany,
al-Qaeda cell that was instrumental to the World Trade Center destruction,
was a member of Zawahiri's al-Jihad. 

 

Osama bin Laden, as we wrote earlier, had the money, some of the
connections, and perhaps the charisma to function as the leader of the
al-Qaeda global jihad. But it was not until Zawahiri's al-Jihad in February
1998 formally joined forces with bin Laden that the present global Islamist
terrorist threat truly emerged. With his long experience in the Muslim
Brotherhood, his critical assessment of its failures, his cunning - albeit
highly eclectic - fashioning of a fascist ideology drawing on Islamic
religious elements, and his organizational and operational skills,
al-Zawahiri is the key personality of global jihad. The key point to
understand is that Zawahiri fascist Islamism has seized the ideological
initiative in the Muslim world against which traditional Islam has so far
proved an impotent, indeed often unwilling, opponent. Young Muslims
everywhere are captivated by Zawahiri Islamism and jihad to which they
attribute selfless idealism and in which they admire ruthless determination.
It will be a long war. 

 

And make no mistake: In this war against a new, ideologically vigorous
fascism, collateral assets of the Islamists, the neo-Nazis of the Ahmed
Huber variety which we described in part 1 of this series, or - for that
matter - Saudi financiers wittingly pushing narrow sectarian Wahhabism upon
youths in madrassas worldwide, are key forces in the enemy camp. Islamism as
we have portrayed it in its historical and present dimension is a form of
fascist madness - the same type of madness which one of Hitler's closest
confidants, convicted war criminal Albert Speer, saw during the Fuehrer's
final days. In his Spandau prison diary entry for November 18, 1947, Speer
recollects: 

 

"I recall how [Hitler] would have films shown in the Reich Chancellory about
London burning, about the sea of fire over Warsaw, about exploding convoys,
and the kind of ravenous joy that would then seize him every time. But I
never saw him so beside himself as when, in a delirium, he pictured New York
going down in flames. He described how the skyscrapers would be transformed
into gigantic burning torches, how they would collapse in confusion, how the
bursting city's reflection would stand against the dark sky." 

 

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