http://www.rand.org/commentary/080403NYT.html

A Fresh Start Against Terror 

By Bruce Berkowitz

  _____  

This opinion article appeared in the New York Times on August 4, 2003. 

  _____  

The Congressional report on the intelligence failures before the Sept. 11
attacks, along with last week's warning of possible airline hijackings by Al
Qaeda, are reminders that the global terrorist threat is as worrisome as
ever. Unfortunately, the White House and Congress are in a tug of war over
how best to counter it. Both insist on the need for better intelligence, but
they can't agree on who should provide it and how much to spend on it. 

For its part, the White House is going ahead with its plan to create the
Terrorist Threat Integration Center, which would be made up of staff members
from the Central Intelligence Agency, Federal Bureau of Investigation and
Department of Homeland Security, but would report to the director of central
intelligence. 

To old hands this arrangement looks awfully familiar-it seems like just an
enlarged version of the current C.I.A.-based counterterrorist center, which
was created two decades ago by fusing several agency branches and adding
representatives from other intelligence agencies and the F.B.I. The main
difference seems to be that the new center would (eventually) be housed away
from the agency's Langley, Va., campus.

Many members of Congress-Republicans and Democrats-recognize that this is
just old goods in a new wrapper. Instead, they want a new organization
totally inside the Department of Homeland Security, which is exactly what
the act they passed creating the new department calls for. 

So why is the White House resisting? One reason may be that some lawmakers
seem determined to use the new department to expand the federal work force,
or to federalize financing for local police and emergency responders-a red
flag for an administration concerned about increasing the size of the
federal government. But a close look at the way our intelligence services
operate shows why simply expanding existing counterterrorism organizations
won't solve our problems. 

Talk to intelligence professionals about their work, and you will hear them
bat around this term: tradecraft. It's the combination of skills, procedures
and, especially, the culture that guides them in their jobs. Tradecraft is
similar to what people in the private sector call a business model, and just
like any corporation, an intelligence organization develops its own
tradecraft. 

At the C.I.A., where I started my career, the "business model" goes
something like this: "Collect information other countries don't want us to
have. Deal with unsavory characters and organizations. And keep all of this
a tightly guarded secret so we can keep doing it as long as possible."

Homeland security, however, requires a totally different business model:
"Collect information from as many sources as possible. Get the product out
quickly to thousands of local officials and emergency workers so they can
anticipate threats and respond effectively. And do all of this while
respecting the civil liberties of Americans." 

Effective homeland intelligence will depend on people who can find
blueprints for factories in Michigan, electric grids in California and
communications lines in Kansas, and correlate them with other databases like
visa records. They will need to schmooze with local Rotarians, religious
leaders, city officials, civic groups and small-business owners-even
journalists. In essence, the new department needs people who operate more or
less the opposite of how C.I.A. analysts are trained to operate. 

Intelligence organizations tend to fail when they are asked to perform
missions outside their tradecraft. Thus if you press splendid foreign
intelligence analysts into becoming military mission planners-as happened to
the C.I.A. in the NATO campaign against Serbia-you may end up bombing the
Chinese Embassy.

Simply put, the C.I.A. is not suited to the mission of homeland security.
Its tradecraft is imbedded in everything from its training manuals to its
computers. For example, because the agency deals in sensitive secrets, you
need C.I.A. clearance, including a polygraph exam, to log on to its computer
network. Even officials from other agencies with the highest government
security clearances are banned. Thus if the Terrorist Threat Information
Center answered to the C.I.A., it would be very hard for someone from a
state or local government to get information unless a C.I.A. official
decided the person had a "need to know." 

This sort of impediment to information-sharing is exactly what the recent
Congressional report says contributed to the Sept. 11 intelligence failure.
It is why Congress correctly wants the secretary of homeland security, not
the director of central intelligence, to have authority over collecting and
releasing intelligence for our domestic defense. 

Moreover, making sure the new agency gathers and assesses information
efficiently may not be our greatest challenge-the real test will be how it
combines that data with other relevant information and gets it all out to
the people around the country who need to see it. And, deservedly or not,
the F.B.I. and C.I.A. both come with baggage. Do we really want the C.I.A.
keeping, say, databases containing the names of foreign-born American
citizens? Do we really want the F.B.I. overseeing files on Americans who
have never been suspected of a crime (as it did in J. Edgar Hoover's day)? 

Starting from scratch is hard, but in this case it's the only way to ensure
that Americans have the best defense possible against terrorism.

  _____  

Bruce Berkowitz, a research fellow at the Hoover Institution and an analyst
at The Rand Corporation, is author of "The New Face of War." 

Read other <http://www.rand.org/commentary/author.html#berkowitz>
commentaries by Bruce Berkowitz.

 



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