See the excellent Bruce Willis movie, "Tears of the Sun".

Bruce


The ghost of Biafra  
[by] Ike Okonta
[From: Daily Times (Lahore) 16 February 2005]

The demand that at least 50 percent of the oil revenue derived from
the Niger delta and other states in the south be retained in the area
of production threatens the country's survival as a united entity. The
Biafra war was largely an oil war. It is not likely that northern
elites will stand by idly as a fresh attempt is made to take it away

When Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo made his surprise
announcement on January 13 to begin a nationwide dialogue to discuss
constitutional reform, he was bowing to the inevitable. The clamour by
disaffected politicians and human rights activists for such a
conference had reached a crescendo.

Obasanjo and the ruling People's Democratic Party were re-elected in
May 2003 in controversial circumstances. Opposition forces, led by
Muhammadu Buhari, the candidate of the All Nigeria People's Party,
accused Obasanjo of using the police to intimidate voters and falsify
the election results. Initially, it looked like Obasanjo would weather
the storm and serve out his last term without making concessions to
his opponents. However, in late December 2004, the national election
tribunal, sitting in Abuja, the capital, ruled that while the election
had been free and fair in most parts of the country, the number of
votes was larger than the population in Ogun, the president's home
state. The opposition seized on the ruling and called on Obasanjo to
resign.

Simultaneously, the eastern part of the country descended into
anarchy. Political thugs linked to the president resorted to
strong-arm tactics in an attempt to remove one of the governors, angry
that he had not given them lucrative public contracts. Obasanjo
refused to call them to order, even after they invaded and razed
government offices. In the Niger delta, where oil production and
official neglect have devastated the environment and wrecked
livelihoods, enraged youths took to the swamps and led an insurgency
against Federal troops.

But the most powerful push for the conference came from politicians in
the largely Christian south, apprehensive that power would return to
the Muslim north in 2007 after Obasanjo, himself a southern Christian,
completed his second term. Since political independence in 1960,
politics has revolved round Nigeria's major ethnic groups - the Igbo
and Yoruba in the south, and the Hausa and Fulani in the north.

Southerners' apprehension is well founded. The north dominated the
armed forces following the Biafra civil war in the late 1960s. As
military rule became the norm in Africa in the 1970s, northern army
officers imposed an authoritarian and predatory mode of governance on
the country, a vicious grip that was loosened only when a resurgent
civil society forced them to return to the barracks in 1999.
Obasanjo's election marked the return of civilian rule. The demand for
a new constitution emulating Nigeria's First Republic of the early
1960s, when the country was a federation of powerful regions enjoying
a large measure of fiscal autonomy, grew over the years as Nigeria's
economy plummeted. But Obasanjo is a passionate advocate of unitary
government and counts many influential northerners as personal
friends. The northern business and political elite see him as a
bulwark against their increasingly restive southern rivals who openly
threaten a repeat of the Igbo attempt to secede in 1967 that caused
the Biafra conflict, taking the rich oil fields of the Niger delta
with them.

Obasanjo's latest move, his proposed "National Political Reform
Conference" in March, is an attempt to steal the opposition's thunder.
There will be 400 delegates, but bulk of them will be nominated by the
president and his party, and the government-controlled National
Assembly will vet their proposals. The opposition has responded by
calling on Nigerians to boycott the conference, arguing that it lacks
legitimacy. The opposition, grouped in the Pro-National Conference
Organisation (PRONACO), a new umbrella coalition of political parties
and human rights groups, has said it would convene an alternative
national conference in June.

PRONACO has formidable leaders in Wole Soyinka, the Nobel literature
laureate, and Anthony Enahoro, an elderly politician who made his name
as a fiery young nationalist in the 1940s. The group's demands include
dividing the country into six or eight new regions along broad ethnic
lines with powers to generate and spend revenue.

Opposition leaders also intend to debate such issues as the rights of
women and minority groups, and the place of Sharia, the Islamic legal
code, which has replaced civil courts in several northern states.
Reformers also have in their sights the Obasanjo government's
neo-liberal economic policies, which they describe as "punitive and
intellectually bankrupt".

But it is PRONACO's demand that at least 50 percent of the oil revenue
derived from the Niger delta and other states in the south be retained
in the area of production that most threatens the survival of the
country as a united entity. The Biafra war was largely an oil war,
prosecuted by northern officers and politicians to win back the delta
oil fields from the Igbo. It is not likely that northern elites will
stand by idly as a fresh attempt is made to take away what they
consider a glittering prize. For now, the north appears divided. But a
hardening of the mood there, and a brokered armistice between its
disenchanted youth and older but vastly more experienced political war
horses, will not only present PRONACO with a formidable opponent, but
could throw West Africa into turmoil if matters degenerate into a
frontal clash. -DT-PS

Ike Okonta is author of Where Vultures Feast: Shell, Human Rights and
Oil and is a visiting fellow at the Institute of International
Studies, University of California, Berkeley

http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_16-2-2005_pg3_6






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