<http://online.wsj.com/article_print/0,,SB110989131816169994,00.html>

The Wall Street Journal


 March 4, 2005

 COMMENTARY



Falling Again Into Oslo's Aid Trap

By DANIEL DORON
March 4, 2005


With the death of Yasser Arafat, hopes for instant peace are on the rise
again. At Tuesday's conference in London, the U.S. and the European Union
pledged hundreds of millions of dollars to help the Palestinian Authority
democratize and fight terror.

But before more money is proffered, it may be prudent to carefully analyze
why the last time the world showered the PA with billions of dollars what
ensued was not peace and prosperity but a bloody conflict. Essentially what
undermined Oslo was the erroneous supposition that agreements with reformed
terrorist organizations could initiate a process of democratization and
that massive government-to-government aid could create a prosperous economy.

In reality, foreign aid financed a 150,000-man corrupt bureaucracy, a
50,000-strong army that was yet not "strong enough" to stop the terror, and
12 secret services. The war Arafat started cut off hundreds of thousands of
Palestinians from gainful employment. It more than halved the Palestinian
standard of living that had risen fourfold and more under Israeli
occupation. And yet, once again peace processors follow the same script.
The West is rushing to channel massive aid to the PA that has yet to become
really democratic. Such aid will only bolster an inefficient and corrupt
public sector controlled by PA operators. It will crowd out and destroy any
private initiative that may form a viable opposition. Already we are
informed that the PA has signed a contract with the Israeli cement
monopoly. This is a continuation of Arafat's rapacious policy that granted
Israeli monopolies exclusive rights as long as they shared the monopoly
rents with his corrupt regime.

In Israel, Shimon Peres, the chief architect of the failed Oslo accords,
has been put in charge of reviving the Palestinian economy. Mr. Peres, a
statist, believes in taxing and spending, so it was natural that he would
opt for a Palestinian welfare system. Instead of letting economic activity
diffuse and devolve power, Mr. Peres would have large sums of aid funneled
through the putatively reformed PA.

But such massive aid threatens to revive the PA's nearly bankrupt
centralized government. Control of billions in foreign aid will enable it
to perpetuate its corrupting role as the largest employer and dispenser of
wealth in the territories. It will also inflame political competition over
control of these huge funds, and this will inevitably lead to polarization
and radicalization.

Instead aid should be structured as much as possible as loan guarantees to
individual entrepreneurs or as risk subsidies assisting the private sector.
This way aid will empower a private sector that thrives on law and order
and true democratization. A civilian Palestinian administration should be
encouraged to write a constitution, to hold really free elections and to
establish law and order. Palestinian moderates who have been terrorized and
forced into hiding should be made safe to stand for election against PA and
Fatah cliques.

As soon as the Palestinians act peacefully, Israel should stop imposing
closures on Palestinian areas. A freer movement of resources and people
will by itself encourage economic growth.

While Israel bears no moral responsibility for the plight of the Arab
refugees, a problem created by Arab aggression, it should do all it can to
help them, as it has done for an equal number of Jewish refugees evicted
from Arab lands. Once the violent opposition of the PA, which nursed and
exploited the refugees' plight, is gone, Israel should help initiate
housing construction for refugees in Gaza and the West Bank.
Government-owned land near the refugee "camps" (actually teeming slums)
should be fitted with infrastructure. Refugee families should be invited to
construct their own housing. They could also be offered low-interest
building loans, or compensation for lost property. Such a massive
construction program would provide jobs and income for Palestinian workers
and contractors and might jump start an economic revival in related trades
and services.

Palestinian Arabs have a comparative advantage in labor-intensive trades.
Israel should therefore open its markets to their products. Construction of
Palestinian-Israeli industrial parks, like the one built near the Gaza
Strip by Israeli industrialist Stef Wertheimer but destroyed by Palestinian
terrorists, should be encouraged. Such parks could alleviate the security
problems involved in daily busing tens of thousands of Arab workers to
Israel while providing Arab entrepreneurs with modern infrastructure.

Israeli bureaucracy should be kept away from informal markets -- extremely
popular with Israeli shoppers -- that have sprung up during the first
intifada along the edges of Palestinian areas. These markets, sort of
informal free-trade zones, should be encouraged to flourish, since they
have provided the best environment for trade-based peaceful relations.

As the European experience teaches, national conflicts are not susceptible
to quick fixes. It took Europe centuries and in the end, it was not so much
politics but economic cooperation and growth that helped resolve them. New
interests and benefits created by economic integration helped people
transcend old barriers while making others irrelevant. Given time and
patience this can also happen in the Middle East.

Mr. Doron is director of the Israel Center for Social and Economic
Progress. www.icsep.org.il1

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The Internet Bearer Underwriting Corporation <http://www.ibuc.com/>
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"... however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity,
[predicting the end of the world] has not been found agreeable to
experience." -- Edward Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire'


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