+ We all know by now that 'human rights' itself is highly abused term,
and they are being used to justify intervention by the imperial
powers. India's ruling class through their media also argues that as
the South Asian regional power India should intervene into Bangladesh
militarily to rescue her from the failed state of governance. Under
this highly sensitive international and regional context the human
rights defenders will have to be extremely careful in phrasing their
text and arguing for their case. They should not become tool for
imperial and regional intervention of any sorts.+

Dak Bangla:
http://dakbangla.blogspot.com/2005/03/human-rights-amnesty-and-bangladeshs.html

Amnesty and Bangladesh's human rights defenders
Farhad Mazhar
                

Transparency & accountability

An English language daily reported on March 2, 2005, that Amnesty
International would release on the day its report entitled 'Bangladesh
Human Rights Defenders under Attack.' It was both a national and
international launch, and the report mentioned somewhat sweepingly
that the Amnesty document cited 'hundreds of human rights defenders
... received death threat" and that 'scores of them have been attacked
and many killed' and that several journalists have had their hands or
fingers cut (as in the old imperial days or the medieval times which
are still in vogue in some countries like Saudi Arabia or Iran for
that matter, parenthesis editor's), ands that 'many have to had to
leave their homes,' etc. The 'failure of the government' to prevent
and bring to book some of these instances of violence, both
establishmentarian as also private, has been identified as the cause
of the abuse of human rights defenders. 'Abusing the human rights (HR)
defenders in Bangladesh has been continuing alarmingly due to the
failure of the government', the report says.

The newspaper reporting the content of the AI report mentioned only
the name of 'Dr. Quazi Faruk Ahmad of Proshika, but no other victims
who were claimed to be killed or maimed. The newspaper report, citing
the document, also failed to mention the names of those who had to
flee their homes to escape reprisals, so to speak, in their onerous
mission of defending human rights. As examples of abuse suffered by
the human rights defenders by the present government, the daily quotes
from the report 'arrest and torture and harassment through filing case
after case on the ground of unsubstantiated criminal accusations (as)
against Dr. (sic) Quazi Faruk Ahmed of Proshika, one of the leading
NGOs in Bangladesh.' There are, according to the report, 18 cases
against Quazi .

Next day, New Age reported, 'Amnesty's report on human rights draws
sharp reaction.'

While on a seminar, organised by Amnesty International in the city,
the report said that with a view to finalizing the draft after
consultations with some very select group of participants, some of
whom wear political stripes. The consultation meeting was
non-transparent, and it consequently led to 'a number of discussants,'
according to the report in this newspaper, 'who attended the seminar
on the first day' to dub the report as politically insensitive,
lacking in global perspective and the local context. It was also
critiqued and rubbished for 'partisan' preferences, and the AI's
lamentable of what state, religion, secularism, human rights' and
other such concepts mean by the book. It is a very serious charge
indeed against an internationally-reputed human rights organization.

The sharp division on Amnesty's report in Bangladesh in the civil
society and the erosion of its credibility have negative implications
for all human rights defenders in Bangladesh; and it does not matter
where they stand with regard to this report.

A re-examination of Amnesty's controversial text would, therefore, be
an exercise which only Amnesty can undertake to restore its credence
as well as credentials.

United Nations and 'human rights defenders'

A literal meaning of the definition 'human rights defenders' may be
misunderstood unless it is seen in the perspective of the Human Rights
Declaration as it evolved in the United Nations systems in 1984 and
further amplified with the adoption of a text by the UN General
Assembly in 1998. The occasion was the fiftieth anniversary of the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The text is known as the
"Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups
and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized
Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms"(General Assembly resolution
53/144 of 9 December 1998). It is abbreviated as "The Declaration on
Human Rights defenders".

At its fifty-sixth session, the Commission on Human Rights requested
the Secretary-General to appoint a Special Representative on human
rights (vide resolution 2000/61 of 26 April 2000).The responsibility
was defined largely on the basis of the Declaration.

The Declaration recognizes that the definition of a human rights
defender must be broadly understood as encompassing also those
striving for the promotion, protection and realization of social,
economic and cultural rights, as well as civil and political rights.
This is the reason why NGOs having no explicit role in defending human
rights are covered under the head of 'human rights defenders'. The
Special Representative, Ms. Hina Jilani of Pakistan, the appointed
Special Representative, stated in her first annual report
(E/CN.4/2001/94) that she believed that her mandate was broad enough
to include, for example, those defending the right to a healthy
environment, promoting the rights of indigenous peoples, or engaging
in trade union activities, etc. A broad definition that ultimately
blurs the precise sense of the term 'human rights defenders' is
already a debatable issue among the human rights activists; but by
maintaining objectivity and evidence-based reporting, human rights
activities are dealing with these expanded definitions.

For example, if someone is accused of financial corruption or some
other crimes and cases are being filed against the person, should it
be reported as repression of human rights defenders? All NGOs are
accountable for their financial dealings of public money and the role
they play in society to the people as well as to the due process of
law. In that case, we must demand a fair and transparent trial for the
accused or provide clear evidence that the accused is innocent and
indeed a victim of government's wrath. Secondly when a case is already
in the court on what basis or evidence could we claim that it is based
on 'unsubstantiated criminal accusation'? We must not interfere in the
due process of the law. Nevertheless, we must vehemently oppose the
practice of the government to ruin an organisation when the chief of
the organisation is accused or arrested. For one person, an
organization must not be victimised. So, the issue is not merely a
person, it is the life of an organisation that is thrown into
jeopardy. It can not be acceptable, no matter if the accusation is
substantiated or unsubstantiated. It is our task to stand by the side
of the victims of an organisation who are innocent and our dear
colleagues in the struggle for the human rights, including social and
cultural struggle.

Amnesty International as an external agency must also reflect if it is
at all prudent to disregard the law and the due judicial process of a
small country like Bangladesh, unless we take up the issue separately.
Undermining the legal system of a country to defend an accused
portraying as a victim simply because some one is happened to be a
'human rights defender', according to UN definition is actually abuse
of the term 'human rights defenders' and misuse of the purpose of the
Declaration. It assumes that just because some one is human right
defenders by UN definition can not commit any financial or other
crimes and State law of the land can not bring him to justice. This is
a pathetic position of Amnesty International.

The mandate of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General on
human rights defenders, as set out in Commission on Human Rights
resolution 2000/61, is:

a) To seek, receive, examine and respond to information on the
situation and the rights of anyone, acting individually or in
association with others, to promote and protect human rights and
fundamental freedoms;

b) To establish cooperation and conduct dialogue with governments and
other interested actors on the promotion and effective implementation
of the Declaration; and

c) To recommend strategies better to protect human rights defenders.

The Declaration is addressed not just to states and to human rights
defenders, but to everyone, reminding that we all have a role to
fulfill as human rights defenders and emphasizes that there is a
global human rights movement that involves us all.

The Declaration is not, in itself, a legally binding instrument.
However, it contains a series of principles and rights that are based
on human rights standards enshrined in other international instruments
that are legally binding - such as the International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights.

However, the significance of the declaration lies in the fact that it
was adopted by consensus by the General Assembly and therefore
represents a very strong commitment by States to its implementation.

In this context our task in Bangladesh will be to create enabling
policy and legal environment so that we could adopt the Declaration as
binding national legislation. While many of us as human rights
defenders suffered and still suffering in the hands of all the regimes
of Bangladesh, it is absolutely irresponsible and disservice to the
cause of human rights and the human rights movement in our country to
take ideological and partisan position in any text we prepare for the
Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, or for that matter
for media and public consumption. It may sabotage our principal
interest to promote and defend the universal human rights as enshrined
in various international covenants. We must be strategically neutral
and objective and must not load the text leading into partisan and
ideological polarization, while the Amnesty's report, it seems clear,
was not being prepared keeping it in mind.

The Declaration relating to the rights of human rights defenders does
not create new rights, but provides support and protection of human
rights defenders in the context of their work. The Declaration
outlines some specific duties of states and the responsibilities of
everyone with regard to defending human rights, in addition to
explaining its relationship with national law. It is important to note
that human rights defenders have an obligation under the Declaration
to conduct peaceful activities.

The declaration accords Rights and protections accorded to human
rights defenders in Articles 1, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 12 and 13 of the
Declaration.

Similarly in articles 2, 9, 12, 14 and 15 make particular reference to
the role of States and indicate that each state has a responsibility
and duty with regard to human rights. The Declaration also emphasizes
that everyone has duties towards and within the community and
encourages us all to be human rights defenders. Articles 10, 11 and 18
outline responsibilities for everyone to promote human rights, to
safeguard democracy and its institutions and not to violate the human
rights of others.

Article 11 is very important since it makes a special reference to the
responsibilities of persons exercising professions that can affect the
human rights of others. Articles 3 and 4 outline the relationship of
the Declaration to national and international law with a view to
assuring the application of the highest possible legal standards of
human rights.

If any of us for some reason has been abused because of our explicit
political partisanship, because of our taking side in the power game
to realise personal aspirations we should be careful not to mix up
those cases with other genuine cases of human rights defenders.

Abuse of the rhetoric of 'human rights'

We all know by now that 'human rights' itself is highly abused term,
and they are being used to justify intervention by the imperial
powers. India's ruling class through their media also argues that as
the South Asian regional power India should intervene into Bangladesh
militarily to rescue her from the failed state of governance. Under
this highly sensitive international and regional context the human
rights defenders will have to be extremely careful in phrasing their
text and arguing for their case. They should not become tool for
imperial and regional intervention of any sorts.

Experts have been reminding us that it is doubly difficult for
countries like Bangladesh in the era of globalisation to reconfigure
the state to response to the demand of the universal human rights that
impinge on the principle of 'nation-based citizenship and the
boundaries of the nation'.

Globalisation does not only imply economic, informational or cultural
globalisation. Hardly people notice that internationalisation of
various legal regimes, including universal human rights, has direct
implication for the sovereignty of the states, nations and cultures.
It reconfigures the structure, power as well as the capacity of the
states in general to address issues related to citizen's rights as was
envisioned in the early ages of the modern state formation. Professor
Saskia Sassen of Urban Planning at Columbia University and also
serving at the faculty of the School of International and Public
Affairs, argues, 'international human rights, while partly rooted in
the founding documents of certain nation-state, are today a force that
can undermine the exclusive authority of the state over its nationals
and thereby contribute to transforming the interstate system and
international legal orders' (Sassen 1996; p- 89). These are very
crucial issues for the human rights defenders; Amnesty will have to
earn a more contemporary mind and learn to be well informed
professionally to deal with states like Bangladesh, Nepal and other
small countries and nations which are already vulnerable in the
present world order.

Amnesty will have to realize the nature of the struggle we, as human
rights defenders, are facing in dealing with our community, despite
the death threat, torture and repression. We could win the battle
within our communities only by maintaining our organic and historical
link with the spirit of our communities defined by language, religion,
and culture and material life. The issue of 'external actors and
agents' is a serious matter indeed, we do not want people of
Bangladesh view Amnesty as agent coming from without with different
agenda except human rights. This will be fatal for our local
struggles.

I was reading the press conference of Abbas Faiz of Amnesty
International on 5 March 2005 in news papers. It was sad to see how he
is more interested in phrasing his position in accordance with the
colonial and imperial discourse of George Bush and Tony Blaire,
blaming the people of Bangladesh for 'spiralling religious militancy'.
But when asked if he has compared the situation of Bangladesh with
other countries in the world or in the region, he could not say a
word. Hardly one could get any sign of understanding of the
difficulties under which the human rights defenders are fighting in
Bangladesh. We have no choice, no matter how difficult it is, but to
fight against both the 'crusaders' and the 'jihadis'; we must stand
stoutly against war, violence and terror of all types coming both from
state and non state actors' without losing organic relation with our
communities. It seems Amnesty of Abbas Faiz would like to fight for
the 'crusaders' backed by fire power and all the modern arsenals to
kill the people around the world, by further complicating our
realities and aggravating the situation for the human rights defenders
grounded within their own communities. By becoming a means of
international and regional propaganda Amnesty International sadly
demonstrating that the organisation is less interested in promoting
human rights, but rather taking sides in the global battle fields.

LINK
http://newagebd.com/oped.html#1
-- 
Dak Bangla is a Bangladesh based South Asian Intelligence Scan Magazine.
URL: http://www.dakbangla.blogspot.com


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