<http://online.wsj.com/article_print/0,,SB111024382273773012,00.html>

The Wall Street Journal


 March 8, 2005

 COMMENTARY



A First Draft of
 History? Call the
 Rewrite Man!

By BRET STEPHENS
March 8, 2005; Page A20


Remember Japan Inc.? If you were a semi-sentient consumer of news in the
1980s, it was hard to avoid the impression that Japan would soon overtake
the U.S. in global economic clout, if its corporations didn't just purchase
the country outright. They've got Rockefeller Center! They're gobbling up
Hollywood! Chalmers Johnson, Clyde Prestowitz and other soi-disant experts
pronounced sagely on the invincible Japanese model of industrial
organization, while the media supplied a diet of stories about how
companies such as Sony or Honda remained world-beaters, year-in and
year-out.

Now consider the amazing media about-face in recent weeks on Iraq. Prior to
Jan. 30, dateline Baghdad was dateline G�tterd�mmerung. Now it's dateline
Democracy. Bombs are still exploding, but we aren't reading much anymore
about how we're losing hearts and minds, or how Iraq is ethnically too
fractious to have a meaningful democracy. Instead, the media connect the
dots between elections in Baghdad and events in Beirut, Cairo and Ramallah,
and talk about 1989.

It's right that they should do so. But we should also connect the dots
between today's Iraq and 1980s Japan. The myth of Japan Inc. took hold
because there was so little Western reporting to suggest that not all was
well with the Japanese economy. So, when Japan's real-estate bubble burst
and the economy flatlined for over a decade, the world was caught unawares.
The myth of an Iraqi quagmire took hold for similar reasons -- the media
was so busy telling the story of everything that was going wrong in Iraq
that it broadly missed what was going right.

* * *

The clich� is that journalism is the first draft of history. Yet a
historian searching for clues about the origins of many of the great
stories of recent decades -- the collapse of the Soviet empire; the rise of
Osama bin Laden; the declining American crime rate; the economic eclipse of
Japan and Germany -- would find most contemporary journalism useless.
Perhaps a story here or there might, in retrospect, seem illuminating. But
chances are it would have been nearly invisible at the time of publication:
eight column inches, page A12.

The problem is not that journalists can't get their facts straight: They
can and usually do. Nor is it that the facts are obscure: Often, the most
essential facts are also the most obvious ones. The problem is that
journalists have a difficult time distinguishing significant facts -- facts
with consequences -- from insignificant ones. That, in turn, comes from not
thinking very hard about just which stories are most worth telling.

Take Western coverage of Israelis and Palestinians over the past dozen
years. During the years of the peace process, a succession of journalists
trooped through the region, reporting a handful of stories: the expansion
of Israeli settlements; the chemistry between Yasser Arafat and the Israeli
prime minister, and their relationship with Bill Clinton; the exact
percentage of land offered by Israel at various stages of negotiation; the
conflict between moderates and "extremists on both sides."

These were "true" stories, in the sense that they were (for the most part)
factually accurate and reflected the realities of the peace process. But
the peace process was not the only relevant reality of the time. Arafat and
his lieutenants continued to call for Israel's destruction in speeches to
Arab audiences. Palestinian Authority maps of the region, posted in schools
and public buildings, had nothing named "Israel" on them. Billions in
foreign aid were pumped into the PA, but there was little to show for it in
terms of a better economy. Arafat's political opponents were sacked from
their jobs, arrested, tortured or simply shot by masked men in the street.

All this was public knowledge throughout the 1990s. But because the
information sat so awkwardly with the central premises of the peace process
-- namely, that Arafat was committed to peace and that the Palestinian
problem was foreign occupation, not domestic tyranny -- it tended to be
dismissed as so much trivia. So the PA is corrupt: What else is new? So
Arafat makes incendiary speeches? Rhetoric for the masses. Few people could
recognize then that Arafat wasn't the key to peace, but the principal
obstacle to it. Today that's conventional wisdom.

A similar dynamic took place once the intifada began and the media
meta-narrative switched from "peace process" to "cycle of violence." Here,
supposedly, Israelis and Palestinians engaged in acts of tit-for-tat
killing; whenever a Palestinian suicide bomber blew up in a Jerusalem caf�,
one could be sure to learn that his brother had been killed by the Israeli
army. Yet while the cycle-of-violence hypothesis was highly convenient for
reporters reluctant to pin the blame on one side, it was also falsifiable
-- and false: When the Israelis invaded the West Bank and killed the top
ranks of Hamas, the incidence of terrorism didn't rise. It peaked.

* * *

It is, of course, impossible to anticipate "events," in Harold MacMillan's
sense of the word. But none of the examples listed here belong in that
category. Norman Podhoretz predicted the peace process would lead to war.
Charles Wolf saw the hollowness of Japan Inc. Daniel Patrick Moynihan
predicted the collapse of the Soviet Union. And George W. Bush understood,
and said, that a free Iraq would serve as a beacon of liberty for the
oppressed Arab world.

As for the media, it shouldn't be too difficult to do better. Look for the
countervailing data. Broaden your list of sources. Beware of exoticizing
your subject: If you think that Israelis and Palestinians operate from no
higher motive than revenge, you're on the wrong track. Above all, never
forget the obvious: that the law of supply and demand operates in Japan,
too; that the Soviet Union was a state governed by fear; that Iraqis aren't
rooting for their killers; that, if given the chance, people will choose to
be free.

Simple maxims, but how much embarrassment would the media be spared if only
they followed them.

Mr. Stephens is a member of the Journal's editorial board.

-- 
-----------------
R. A. Hettinga <mailto: [EMAIL PROTECTED]>
The Internet Bearer Underwriting Corporation <http://www.ibuc.com/>
44 Farquhar Street, Boston, MA 02131 USA
"... however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity,
[predicting the end of the world] has not been found agreeable to
experience." -- Edward Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire'


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