Please find below an example of UPI's continuing coverage of the war on terror 
and related matters. I hope you find it interesting. You may link to it on the 
web here:

http://www.upi.com/view.cfm?StoryID=20050307-071958-6783r

If you have any comments or questions about this piece, need any more 
information about UPI products and services, or want to stop receiving these 
alerts, please get in touch.

Thank you,

Shaun Waterman
UPI Homeland and National Security Editor
E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Tel: 202 898 8081


Rendition a routine practice for 20 years
By Shaun Waterman
UPI Homeland and National Security Editor

WASHINGTON, March 8 (UPI) -- Rendition -- the quasi-legal procedure by which 
the United States hands terror suspects over to foreign governments for 
interrogation or trial -- has been practiced by the CIA for nearly two decades, 
and long prior to Sept. 11 was a routine, publicly acknowledged 
counter-terrorism technique conducted more than a dozen times a year.

One former intelligence official with detailed knowledge of the practice 
pre-Sept. 11 told United Press International that decisions about who should be 
handed over were sometimes made by junior officials and that, in certain cases, 
the CIA neither sought nor received assurances that suspected terrorists would 
not be tortured.

Other former and serving officials said that although both the authorities and 
the frequency of the practice have been dramatically expanded since Sept. 11, 
2001, CIA rendition dates to 1986 and the establishment under President Reagan 
of the agency's Counterterrorist Center.

"It was a fairly routine practice," said Jeffrey Smith, who was general counsel 
to the CIA 1995-96.

The practice has recently become the subject of controversy, with allegations 
from human-rights groups and some Democratic lawmakers that the United States 
is deliberately sending suspected terrorists to countries where they will be 
tortured. Administration officials deny the charge.

"We neither use nor condone torture," a CIA official authorized to speak for 
the agency told United Press International Monday. The official, like others in 
the administration, declined further comment.

But the United States was not always so coy about the practice.

On Feb. 2, 2000, CIA Director George Tenet told the Senate Select Committee on 
Intelligence that "working with foreign governments worldwide, we have helped 
to render more than two dozen terrorists to justice" since July 1998. More than 
half, he added, were members of al-Qaida.

"These renditions have shattered terrorist cells and networks, thwarted 
terrorist plans, and in some cases even prevented attacks from occurring," 
Tenet boasted.

Though he did not say so, it is clear that the majority of those he was 
speaking about were sent to Egypt or Jordan, where -- for suspected terrorists 
at least -- torture was commonplace.

The former intelligence official called the pre-Sept. 11 rendition process 
"very informal."

"Say someone was wanted in country A. He could be arrested in country B for 
some minor immigration or criminal violation, or picked up in transit," the 
former official said. 

In order to avoid what the former official called "the enormously cumbersome 
and sometimes impossible process" of extradition, U.S. personnel would simply 
deliver the suspect to the country where he was wanted.

"Generally, (the suspect) would be handed over (by law enforcement or 
intelligence officials of country B) on the tarmac, at the end of the runway, 
at night, and then flown to country A." 

The former official said that, where there were charges against the suspect, or 
a warrant for their arrest, no assurance about treatment from the country he 
was delivered to was required.

"The only requirement was that there be some kind of legal process (to which 
the rendered person would be subject) in country B."

The former official also said that decisions about who to render were sometimes 
taken at a low level, without consultation with the White House or other 
agencies. 

"This fell squarely under the long-standing authorities for covert action we 
had under the Reagan finding (that established the CIA Counterterrorist Center 
in May 1986)." 

Exceptions to this rule, the former official said, were cases where individuals 
were rendered back to the United States for prosecution, operations where U.S. 
personnel might be hurt or killed, or if there was a danger that the U.S. role 
might be exposed.


Other former officials said that much more extensive consultation was carried 
out with White House and Justice Department officials.

"It was a principal-level decision," said one former White House official, 
referring to the Cabinet-rank members of the National Security Council: the 
attorney general, the national security adviser and the secretary of state.

Smith said that the CIA looked at every operation "on a case-by-case basis and 
dealt with (it) at the appropriate level." 

He said that where the role of U.S. personnel was "more limited," decisions 
could be taken at a lower level "depending on the judgment of those involved."

Several of the officials who spoke to UPI were adamant that assurances were 
always sought about the treatment of those being rendered.

But the former intelligence official insisted that this was only done where the 
rendition was for the purposes of interrogation or intelligence-gathering, 
rather than for prosecution or law enforcement.

"We were just a taxi service," the former official said. "We were just 
delivering that person to a criminal-justice process."

Smith maintains that the United States would never knowingly have aided or 
abetted in torture. "We always took into account the question, 'How will this 
person be treated?'" he said.

One current U.S. official told UPI that "the nature of this tool has changed" 
since Sept. 11. The new authorities were granted in a highly classified 
presidential memorandum signed by President Bush on Sept. 17, 2001.

--

(Please send comments to [EMAIL PROTECTED]) 

Copyright � 2001-2005 United Press International



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