<http://www.nytimes.com/2005/03/31/opinion/31friedman.html?th=&emc=th&pagewanted=print&position=>

The New York Times

March 31, 2005
OP-ED COLUMNIST

Rice's Poker Hand
 By THOMAS L. FRIEDMAN


've been to this play before. It always starts out like the coming-out
season for debutantes in Palm Beach, and it always ends around a smoky
poker table at Binions casino in Las Vegas.

That is, every new secretary of state gets his or her moment on the world
stage, where everyone "oohs" and "ahs" about how smart they are and what a
"dream team" staff they have put together. As the first secretary of state
to ever wear stiletto heels while reviewing troops, Condoleezza Rice has
had a coming-out season second to none.

The savvy secretaries don't take any of this seriously. They know that
eventually every secretary gets dealt a poker hand - and you never know
when it'll come or what sort of cards it'll contain: the 1973 Middle East
war (Henry Kissinger), the rise of Mikhail Gorbachev (George Shultz), the
fall of the Berlin Wall (James Baker), Kosovo (Madeleine Albright), Iraq
(Colin Powell). And this poker hand is seven-card stud, no-limit Texas Hold
'Em. How well you play this high-stakes hand usually determines your legacy
as secretary of state.

Secretary Rice may get dealt other big hands, but there is one already
waiting for her on the table. It is the four fragile democratizations
unfolding in the Middle East: Iraq, Lebanon, Egypt and Palestine-Israel.
Whether any of these come to fruition will certainly form a crucial part of
the Rice legacy.

For the last month or so, the Bush team has been doing a victory lap,
taking credit for the outbreak of democracy in the Arab world. While I
disagree with many Bush policies, I think the president does deserve credit
for unleashing something very important in the politically moribund Arab
East. Many of the necessary elements for democratization are now in place
in Iraq (free and fair elections), in Lebanon (a Syrian withdrawal from
Beirut), in Egypt (President Mubarak's commitment to multicandidate
presidential elections) and in Gaza (an Israeli commitment to withdraw and
Palestinian elections).

 But while the necessary conditions may now be in place, the sufficient
conditions for democratization are still not present in any of these
arenas. The Iraqi election was Jan. 30 and the Kurds, Shiites and Sunnis
have still not agreed on a government, and the insurgency is still going
strong. In Lebanon, the Cedar Revolution is now bogged down in a standoff
between pro-Syrian and anti-Syrian Lebanese. In Egypt, it's not clear
whether the upcoming presidential elections will be free - with anyone who
wants to run able to - or fair - with international observers. And in
Israel-Palestine, Ariel Sharon's new settlement binge near Jerusalem
underscores how difficult it will be to maintain momentum there.

The common theme in all four areas is that the key parties are doing the
right things for the wrong reasons. Democratization is everyone's second
choice. First, the Kurds and Shiites want to consolidate their own power
inside Iraq; the Lebanese opposition wants to get rid of the Syrians; the
Egyptians want to get U.S. pressure off their backs; and the Israelis want
to get rid of Gaza's huge Palestinian population.

In history, a lot of good has started with people doing the right thing for
the wrong reasons. But you will only have self-sustaining democratization
in the Middle East if people start to do the right thing for the right
reasons - if the different sects in Iraq and Lebanon really do hammer out a
shared vision and set of rules for their two countries. If Egypt recognizes
it can't thrive without liberalizing its economy and political
institutions. If Israelis and Palestinians really do come to terms with
each other's nationalism. Otherwise, you'll have constant backsliding.

Trying to make any one of these democracy projects self-sustaining - and
that is the test - would be a career. Secretary Rice's challenge is to do
all four at once. The burden is not hers alone. The parties themselves must
carry the lion's share. But her responsibility is undeniable. Does she have
the toughness to deal with Ariel Sharon? She has not shown it up to now. If
the Bush team lets Mr. Sharon trade Gaza for the West Bank, the whole U.S.
democratization agenda in the region will be set back. Does she have the
moxie to restrain the Kurds and Shiites from overreaching in Iraq? The
steel to deal with the Syrians? The will to move the Egyptians? Too soon to
say. But this is the early poker hand she has been dealt, and how she plays
it will determine, in part, whether the Bush team has uncorked
democratization in the Middle East (I hope so) or set loose a new deadlock.
(I hope not.)

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R. A. Hettinga <mailto: [EMAIL PROTECTED]>
The Internet Bearer Underwriting Corporation <http://www.ibuc.com/>
44 Farquhar Street, Boston, MA 02131 USA
"... however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity,
[predicting the end of the world] has not been found agreeable to
experience." -- Edward Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire'


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