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Townhall.com

Middle East mythology
Caroline B. Glick (back to web version) | Send

April 9, 2005

Tuesday the 2004 Arab Human Development Report was released by the UN
Development Project. The report placed a large chunk of the blame for the
Arab world's lack of economic progress and political freedom on Israel's
creation in 1948 and US support for Israel's continued existence, as well
as the US military presence in Iraq.

The report's conclusions about Israel and the US were immediately rejected
by the US and Israel. Greg Sullivan, the spokesman for the US State
Department's Near Eastern Bureau said, "We think it's misguided to blame
Israel for the problems and the challenges that the Arab world faces."

 Mark Regev, the Foreign Ministry spokesman, was equally blunt, "For too
long too many people in the Arab world have used Israel as an excuse to
justify behavior that cannot be justified. You can't have democratic
elections because of Israel and you can't give equal rights to women in
Saudi Arabia because of Israel. This is of course a cop out."

 The American and Israeli denunciations of the report were, of course,
wholly reasonable. The notion that 300 million Arabs live under the
jackboot because some 5 million Jews in Israel live in freedom and America
supports our right to live in freedom is patently insane. So too, it is
simply delusional to believe that 300 million Arabs are so bent out of
shape by the fact that 2.3 million Palestinian Arabs purportedly have their
freedoms curbed by Israel, that they willingly accept their regimes' right
to enslave and impoverish them economically and spiritually.

 Yet the greatest irony that is brought to the surface by the UNDP report
is that in spite of both the American and Israeli governments' ability to
differentiate between spit and raindrops, in point of fact, both Israel and
the US are basing their policies towards the Palestinians specifically and
the Arab world generally on an internalization of the UNDP's ridiculous
claims.

 How does this manifest itself?

 The view among American policymakers and Israeli Foreign Ministry types,
both egged on by their ideological bedfellows in Europe and the
international Left is based on two presumptions. The first is that the
Palestinian conflict with Israel is the cause of the Arab conflict with
Israel. The second is that the Palestinians are weak and the Israelis are
strong and that the way to solve the conflict is to strengthen the
Palestinians and weaken Israel.

 The second presumption is what leads both Israeli and American foreign
policy elites to advocate Israeli surrender of land and rights to the
Palestinians and to support Palestinian acquisition of arms, money and
sovereignty.

 The first presumption is what leads both Israel and the US to ignore the
direct dependence of the Palestinian conflict with Israel on outside
support by Arab League member states led by Egypt. Egypt, like the rest of
the Arab world has never accepted Israel's inherent right to exist as a
Jewish state in the Levant. Yet over the years, the rhetorical focus
shifted from overt calls for Israel's destruction through war to overt
calls for Israel's destruction through the establishment of a Palestinian
state and unlimited immigration of millions of foreign born Arabs to
Israel. These calls are obfuscated to a degree by a public fixation on the
perceived weakness and actual misery of the 2.3 million Palestinians in
Judea, Samaria and Gaza - both of which are blamed on Israel.

 Yet the reality on the ground is vastly different from the picture painted
by UN reports whose basic presumptions, though wrong, form the foundations
of US and Israeli policy in the region. The squalor in which Palestinians
reside is wholly premeditated. As far back as 1949, the Arab League decided
that no member state would grant citizenship to the Arabs who left the Land
of Israel as a result of the Arab invasion of the nascent Jewish state. And
so these miserable people and their children and grandchildren have been
incarcerated in the squalor of UN internment camps for nearly 60 years.
When in the early 1980s then prime minister Menachem Begin tried to
dismantle the camps in Gaza and Judea and Samaria and provide permanent and
decent housing for their residents, the "refugees" were warned, on pain of
death, by the pan-Arab and PLO leadership to reject Israel's offers.

 The reason for this was clear: If the Palestinians had been allowed to
freely develop, a core myth - that Jewish sovereignty is tainted with an
original sin - a myth which was created to justify the continued Arab
rejection of Israel, would disappear. And so it remains the case that
despite the fact that in the last ten years the Palestinian Authority has
received more international aid per capita than any national authority in
the history of international aid, the Palestinians today remain in abject
poverty. More to the point, their standard of living went into freefall
shortly after the PA was established in 1994. Yasser Arafat and his
deputies thwarted development efforts by stealing the billions they were
given.

 That the rejection of Israel still forms a solid basis for Arab and
Islamic unity was again made clear in a conference this week in Malaysia
devoted to "Peace in Palestine." The conference gave itself a psychological
warfare boost by inviting five anti-Israel Israeli and Jewish activists to
participate in the proceedings. Led by Malaysia's Prime Minister Abdullah
Ahmad Badawi the participants called for an international "anti-Israeli
apartheid" campaign demanding a total international boycott on Israel until
a Palestinian state is established with Jerusalem as its capital and Israel
becomes a non-Jewish state as a result of unlimited Arab immigration. The
fact that the Arab and Muslim, (and Jewish) participants expressed views
that were even more extreme than the rhetoric emanating from the PA is
indicative of the source of the continued pressure for the indefinite
prolongation of the Palestinian conflict with Israel.

 Let us return now to the presumptions that form the basis of American and
Israeli policy towards the Palestinians specifically and the Arab world
generally. We see that by internalizing the view that the Palestinian
conflict is the source of the Arab conflict with Israel and that the way to
solve the Palestinian conflict is to empower the Palestinians at Israel's
expense, both Israel and the US are initiating policies that distance
rather than advance their stated goals of peace and security through the
democratization of Palestinian society and the Arab world writ large. This
is so because the guiding presumptions themselves are not simply wrong, but
are the polar opposites of the facts on the ground.

 These facts are that the Palestinian conflict with Israel is largely a
direct result of the Arab world's rejection of Israel's right to exist. And
weakening Israel, by strengthening the Palestinians or in any other manner
advances none of these goals.

 Arab strength is based on Arab control of the world's largest oil
reserves; irredentist Arab immigrant communities throughout the Western
world and specifically in Europe that demand their host governments' adopt
stridently anti-Israel foreign policies or face violence and instability at
home and in global oil markets; and Arab Islamic terrorism and militarism
which is financed and engendered in the oil-rich, authoritarian Arab world.

 The fact that it is Arab power rather than Palestinian weakness that is
fuelling the conflict is made clear by the EU's Middle East policies. As
Bat Ye'or, the noted scholar of jihad ideology and Arab-European politics
makes crystal clear in her new book Eurabia: The Euro-Arab Axis, Western
European abandonment of its early support for Israel came not in the wake
of Israel's stunning victory in the 1967 Six Day War, but in the aftermath
of the OPEC oil embargo in 1973.

 It was the concerted pan-Arab attack on the economies of Western Europe in
1973, not Israel's acquisition of territory in 1967 that caused Europe to
embrace the cause of the Palestinians. And it is the power that immigrant
voters and activists wield against the European electorate and the threat
of violence wielded by Arab terrorists that ensure that year in and year
out regardless of the brutality of Arab rhetoric and violence, the
Europeans remain faithful to the ideology of Israeli criminality and
Palestinian victimhood.

 Israeli and American policymakers alike have repeatedly claimed that by
strengthening PA leader Mahmoud Abbas, he will gain legitimacy among the
Palestinians to move ahead with peace with Israel. They also claim that in
the aftermath of Israel's planned removal of its forces and expulsion of
its citizenry from northern Samaria and Gaza this summer, the PA will be
strengthened and that as a result, chances for peace will be increased.

 Yet again, the facts on the ground belie this view. At the end of the
summer, oil prices will no doubt be edging towards $60 a barrel. Egypt will
have two armored brigades sitting in the Sinai Peninsula. Israel, smarting
from its self-inflicted wounds and bearing an extraordinary financial,
political and social burden of resettling thousands of Israeli refugees,
will be weaker and therefore less able to mount the will and the ability to
fend off terror assaults. Finally, there is no reason to assume that Abbas,
who has devoted most of his time since replacing Arafat to coddling
terrorists and currying favor with their state sponsors, will be in any
rush to improve the economic situation in the Palestinian areas. Indeed,
again, advancing their economic and political fortunes is actually
antithetical to the interests of the PLO and the Arab world.

 Given the fact that the America and Israeli governments are both basing
their policies on the same false presumptions that formed the basis of the
UNDP report they were so quick to reject, perhaps the real question is why
did it bother them so much? And the second question is, if they are still
able to tell the difference between spit and raindrops, when will they
adopt policies that reflect the distinction?

Caroline B. Glick is the senior Middle East fellow at the Center for
Security Policy in Washington, D.C., and the deputy managing editor of The
Jerusalem Post, where this article first appeared.

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"... however it may deserve respect for its usefulness and antiquity,
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experience." -- Edward Gibbon, 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire'


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