[Excerpt: There is also evidence that HuJI's arms conduit has fueled the
Marxist insurgency which has brought Nepal to the brink of collapse. In
April 2004 the largest arms seizure in Bangladesh history - 10
truckloads of weapons including heavy machine guns, assault rifles, and
RPGs - was made at Chittagong port. The previous month strikingly
similar weapons were used in a major communist rebel assault against the
Nepalese town of Beni Bazaar which killed 200.]

http://www.thestandard.com.hk/stdn/std/Focus/GD15Dh04.html

Bangladesh a terrorist hotbed

Dane Chamorro

April 15, 2005
  
Bangladesh-centered radical Islamic groups are responsible for scores of
terrorist bombings and killings there and in neighboring nations, say
analysts.AP

When the world's news turns to South Asia's security situation, the
focus is almost inevitably on the Kashmir dispute, Nepal's communist
rebellion, the al-Qaeda-Taleban threat or the chances for peace in Sri
Lanka.

Bangladesh is rarely featured. Yet since the Bangladesh National Party
took office in 2002, the poverty-stricken nation has dramatically
expanded its role as a haven for Islamic radicals and organized criminal
elements. Today, virtually every corner of Bangladesh is affected by
some form of extremist violence - with implications far beyond its own
borders.

The recent bomb attack that killed former finance minister Shah Kibria
at an opposition Awami League political rally north of Dhaka starkly
illustrates the deteriorating security environment. The attack came just
six months after a strikingly similar attempt on the life of former AL
prime minister Sheihk Hasina Wazed in which 22 were killed - Hasina
survived several grenades, escaping in her armored Mercedes as automatic
rifle fire raked the car.

There were more terrorist bombings in Bangladesh last year - an average
of one per month - than in the previous five years combined. The attacks
have disproportionately targeted the opposition Awami League, Bengali
cultural events and Sufi shrines. Because all have been targets of
Islamic radicals and because the BNP was elected in coalition with two
Islamic fundamentalist parties - the Jamiaat e Islami (Bangladesh's
third-largest political group) and the radical Islami Oikyo Jote - the
government's indifference to the terror campaign had led to suggestions
of a connection between the BNP and the radicals.

The outcry that followed Kibria's January assassination - and not a
small amount of pressure from the EU donor community - finally pressured
the BNP to arrest members of two radical Islamic groups based in
northwest Bangladesh in late February. However, these groups are a
relatively minor threat compared to some of the other underground
organizations in the country.

The most worrisome group is the Harakat ul Jihad al Islami, an Islamic
extremist organization whose membership overlaps to a substantial degree
with the Islami Oikyo Jote.

The group's motto is ``We are all Taleban and Bangladesh will be
Afghanistan.''

True to its motto, HuJI assisted 150 escaping al-Qaeda-Taleban
combatants flee Afghanistan just before Christmas 2001, dispersing them
after their ship docked at Bangladesh's main port of Chittagong.

HuJI's leadership - veteran jihadis with experience in Afghanistan and
Chechnya - signed Osama bin Laden's declaration of holy war against the
United States in 1998, thus making the group an official member of bin
Laden's ``International Islamic Front.'' HuJI was implicated in the 2002
bombing of the US consulate in Calcutta and was linked to a previous
assassination attempt against then prime minister Sheikh Hasina in 2000.

Closer to home HuJI provides training and support to Islamic recruits
from southern Thailand at more than a dozen camps located in the south
Chittagong Hills near the Burmese border (known as the ``bin Laden
trail'') - support that has no doubt contributed to the continuing
violence in southern Thailand. The group recruits heavily among the
250,000 Burmese Muslim refugees who have settled in the area,
dispatching them to jihad in Afghanistan, Bosnia and Chechnya.

HuJI also allegedly shelters key members of Jemaah Islamiyah, the
radical group responsible for the Bali bombing in 2002.

On a purely commercial basis HuJI also acts as a major conduit for arms
to insurgent groups in northeastern India. Bangladesh's northern hill
tracts have long offered sanctuary to India's tribal rebels. The
Chittagong Hills host almost 200 training camps including those of the
United Liberation Front of Assam, one of the most violent groups.

The tribal guerrillas have been fighting a low intensity conflict
against New Delhi for decades, using extortion and kidnap-for-ransom to
fund their operations, but have traditionally eschewed indiscriminate
large-scale attacks against civilians. That pattern changed in early
October 2004 when more than 40 people were killed in a near simultaneous
series of bombings across India's northeastern Assam state. The methods
and materials used were sharply different from past attacks, thus
suggesting outside assistance. The fact that a meeting of a half dozen
tribal militant groups occurred in Dhaka before the blasts is equally
damning.

There is also evidence that HuJI's arms conduit has fueled the Marxist
insurgency which has brought Nepal to the brink of collapse. In April
2004 the largest arms seizure in Bangladesh history - 10 truckloads of
weapons including heavy machine guns, assault rifles, and RPGs - was
made at Chittagong port. The previous month strikingly similar weapons
were used in a major communist rebel assault against the Nepalese town
of Beni Bazaar which killed 200.

Despite HuJI's stated goal, Bangladesh is unlikely to become another
Afghanistan, but unfortunately the country's socio-economic prognosis
bodes ill for a quick end to such radical groups.

It has one of the highest population densities on earth. A majority of
its 140 million people are under the age of 25 and rely on wet rice
agriculture for a minimum subsistence.

Opportunities for education and skilled jobs are virtually non-existent,
corruption and disease endemic.

With the December 2004 expiration of the textile quota system that gave
developing countries like Bangladesh preferential access to Western
markets, most of the nation's industrial jobs and foreign exchange
earnings are under threat from more efficient producers like China and
India. In the same month, New Delhi - fed up with Dhaka's decade-long
refusal to allow any of its sizeable natural gas resources to flow west
to its larger neighbor - reached agreement with Burma to import natural
gas, ironically via pipeline laid across Bangladesh.

Bangladesh's downward spiral toward ``failed state'' status is
correctable, but only if the country's political leadership takes the
following steps: sever all ties to criminal and extremist organizations;
deploy the Bangladesh army to destroy these groups and establish
meaningful rule of law; end the violent political competition between
the major political parties; integrate the economy more closely with
India; and slash bureaucracy and corruption to encourage foreign
investment.

If a dramatic change of course is not taken, Bangladesh will continue to
be a magnet for violent radicals that destabilize not only one of the
world's poorest democracies but the region as a whole.

Dane Chamorro is an honors graduate of Georgetown University's School of
Foreign Service and the US Army Military Intelligence School. He
frequently visited Bangladesh between 1996 and 2000. He is currently a
senior consultant with Control Risks Group.
enditem


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