http://www.foreignpolicy.com/story/cms.php?story_id=2781

Arabs in Foreign Lands 

By Mois�s Na�m
 May/June 2005  

What the success of Arab Americans tells us about Europe, the Middle
East, and the power of culture.
People of Arab descent living in the United States are doing far
better than the average American. That is the surprising conclusion
drawn from data collected by the U.S. Census Bureau in 2000 and
released last March. The census found that U.S. residents who report
having Arab ancestors are better educated and wealthier than average
Americans.

Whereas 24 percent of Americans hold college degrees, 41 percent of
Arab Americans are college graduates. The median income for an Arab
family living in the United States is $52,300�4.6 percent higher than
other American families�and more than half of all Arab Americans own
their home. Forty-two percent of people of Arab descent in the United
States work as managers or professionals, while the same is true for
only 34 percent of the general U.S. population. For many, this success
has come on quickly: Although about 50 percent of Arab Americans were
born in the United States, nearly half of those born abroad did not
arrive until the 1990s. 

That immigrants do better than their compatriots back home is of
course no surprise. What is far less common is for immigrants to
perform that much better than the average population of their adopted
home. This fact should prompt important debates that transcend how
Arab immigrants are faring in the United States.

Consider, for example, the popular notion that cultural factors loom
large behind the Middle East's appalling poverty. Cultural
explanations for why some succeed when others fail have a long
history. In 1904, German sociologist Max Weber famously argued that
the "Protestant ethic" was more compatible with capitalism than
religions such as Confucianism and Taoism. Of course, the Asian
economic miracle forced a revision of these assumptions. The same
thing happened to "Asian values," the idea that cultural factors
explained the region's phenomenal rates of economic growth. The Asian
financial crisis of the late 1990s gave that cultural theory an even
shorter shelf life.

The Middle East's poor economic and social performance today has also
prompted explanations of some malignancy in the prevailing culture.
The respected Harvard University historian David S. Landes wrote in
his 1998 book, The Wealth and Poverty of Nations, that the ill that
plagues these countries "lies with the culture, which (1) does not
generate an informed and capable work force; (2) continues to mistrust
or reject new techniques and ideas that come from the enemy West
(Christendom) and (3) does not respect such knowledge as members do
manage to achieve."

Such views are common, given the inexcusably poor performance of Arab
nations. In the last two decades, no region besides sub-Saharan Africa
has seen income per person grow as slowly as in the Middle East. At
the current rate, it will take the average Arab 140 years to double
his or her income. Asians, Europeans, and North Americans are expected
to double their incomes in the next 10 years. The total economic
output�including oil�of all Arab countries is less than that of Spain,
the Middle East's unemployment rates are the highest in the developing
world, and its literacy rates rank near the bottom.

But if cultural impediments are behind the Arab world's disappointing
performance, what explains Arab Americans' incredible success? The
answer, of course, is opportunities and institutions. Arabs in the
United States have access to ample opportunities to prosper and can
rely on powerful institutions to protect their civil, political, and
economic rights to do so. Indeed, the census data show that Arab
ancestry mixed with markets and meritocracy creates a potent fuel for
success. 
Of course, many will explain the success of Arab Americans by pointing
out that people who emigrate tend to be younger, more motivated,
ambitious, and entrepreneurial. The Arab immigrants who are doing so
well in the United States, according to this view, would have made it
anywhere. 

Sadly, that isn't true, either. Otherwise, how does one explain why
Arab immigrants in Europe are worse off than those in the United
States? Why are leaders of Arab communities in France warning that
social and racial tensions are in danger of creating a "social and
political atom bomb"? Sure, France may be an extreme case, but the
situation of Arabs in the rest of Europe is hardly better. In general,
Muslims living in Europe�of which Arabs constitute a significant
proportion�are poorer, less educated, and in worse health than the
rest of the population. In the Netherlands, the unemployment rate for
ethnic Moroccans is 22 percent, roughly four times the rate for the
country as a whole. 

In Britain, the Muslim population has the highest unemployment rate of
all religious groups. The failure of Arabs in Europe is particularly
worrisome given that 10 of the states or entities along Europe's
eastern and southern borders are home to nearly 250 million
Muslims�most of them Arabs�with a birthrate more than double that of
Europeans.

This census data should prompt soul-searching in many quarters.
Cultural determinists may want to revise their theories of Arab
backwardness. Arab leaders should be ashamed when they see their
emigrants prospering in the United States while their own people are
miserable. And Europe should wake up to the possibility that it may
have less of an "Arab problem" than a "European problem." Then again,
maybe the cultural determinists have an explanation for why Europeans
are so predisposed against Arab success.

Mois�s Na�m is editor in chief of FOREIGN POLICY.
 








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