Latif wastes a lot of verbiage saying not much:  "So, unless a Muslim
believes that Al-Qaeda is indeed fighting for Islam, he or she should speak
up against Al-Qaeda."

Fact that he has to say this and that the vast majority of Muslims to not
speak up against al-Qaeda proves the point he is trying to deny.

Bruce



In Defence of The Normal Muslim

Asad Latif

 

Muslims are a normal people. That this even needs to be said is a sad
reflection, not on Islam, but on an era when Muslims are seen through the
distorting lens of terrorism. The world seems to judge Muslims, not by what
is normal in their societies, but by what is abnormal or, at least,
exceptional: by Osama bin Laden, or the suicide-bomber in Palestine, or Abu
Musab al-Zarqawi, or the throat-slitter in Iraq. In the wings of the global
stage stand older, diffuse threats such as the mythical Muslim male who has
launched a demographic war on the world with his three wives and 23
children, each of whom will no doubt have 23 children. True, the world also
judges as criminals non-Muslims such as the Oklahoma City Bomber, the
Unabomber or Tokyo's Sarin gas attackers. However, they are viewed, not as
representatives of their societies but as an aberrant sub-species which does
not disturb the essential normality and civility of those societies. By
contrast, at the rate at which things are
 going, the ordinary Muslim may soon become a sub-species of terror. The
eyes and ears of the world, its Islam experts and its area specialists, its
spy satellites and its eavesdropping devices, take an almost anthropological
delight in mapping and deciphering abnormalities in Muslim societies.
Muslims are today the main victim of the hostile "communities of
interpretation'' which Professor Edward Said mentions in his book, Covering
Islam. These are communities of academics, hacks and others out to prove
Islam's incompatibility with reason and modernity.

 

What these hostile commentators ignore is that the overwhelming majority of
the world's one billion Muslims are not terrorists or extremists but normal
people. Muslims are born, grow up, find work, get married, quarrel over the
quality of dinner, make up, and hug each other to sleep. They get up in the
middle of the night, check on their children, go back to bed, and wake up to
pray. Muslims also think. They read Shakespeare, Dante, Lu Xun, Brecht and
Pablo Neruda along with Rumi, Hafiz, Faiz Ahmad Faiz and Orhan Pamuk. They
take Plato, Aristotle, Galileo, Einstein and Sartre seriously, as they do
al-Ghazali, Ibn Khaldun and Abdolkarim Soroush. Muslim minds are sharpened
by Charlie Chaplin's subversive humour and Habib Tanvir's folk theatre. The
Muslim heart is roused by Bach's Tocatta and Fugue in D-minor, Raaga Piloo
on Ravi Shankar's frenzied sitar in its dialogue with Yehudi Menuhin's
violin, the ecstatic Sufi ghazals of Nusrat Fateh Ali Khan, and Waleed
Tawfic's love songs.
 These soaring creations of the human mind . and there are many more, of
course . are part of the Muslim's intellectual and imaginative world. This
is not surprising at all because Muslim realms were once the world's
unrivalled intellectual centres of science, medicine, philosophy and
education. In Baghdad, Muslim and non-Muslim scholars sought to translate
the world's knowledge into Arabic. They took up works by Aristotle,
Archimedes, Euclid, Hypocrates, Plutarch, Ptolemy and others. Without these
Arabic translations, many classic works of antiquity would simply have been
lost. The Islamic intellectual tradition has helped to keep alive
Judeao-Christian civilisation. The world's splendours never belong to one
religion alone.

 

The world is political as well. When people talk about political Islam, they
hardly mention Professor Eqbal Ahmad, the Pakistani scholar-activist who
died in 1999. Born in the Indian state of Bihar in 1932, he was eight when
his father, sleeping by his side, was murdered over a land dispute. That
shock created an enduring hatred of private property in the child. He left
for Pakistan when India was partitioned in 1947. His doctoral years at
Princeton University, where he worked on political science and the Middle
East, included a visit to Algeria. He joined the Algerian national
liberation movement, the FLN, and became an associate of the
anti-colonialist Frantz Fanon. His opposition to the Vietnam War brought him
close to the great Hebraic humanist, Noam Chomsky, and to pacifists like the
Catholic priest Philip Berrigan and the Catholic nun Elizabeth McAlister. A
man of many exiles, Professor Ahmad was at home only in the instinctive
solidarity that he felt for suffering humanity in
 Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Bosnia, Chechnya, India, Iran, Lebanon,
Pakistan, Palestine and Vietnam. That was pretty much everywhere in the
Third World.

 

Professor Ahmad embodies the Islamic quest for justice that is a common
theme in the life of humanity. What is true of him is true of many others as
well. But Muslims at the vanguard of a progressive, life-affirming view of
man's place in the world hardly appear on the world's ideological radar. To
be a Muslim today is to be judged, instead, by what the Osamas say or do not
say, by what they do or do not do. In fact, it seems that on the
battlefields of the global imagination, there is hardly a thing as an
ordinary Muslim: one is either ordinary or one is a Muslim. And if one is a
Muslim, there is a lurking danger that one may turn into a terrorist, an
extremist, or a demographic jihadist with three wives and 23 squabbling
brats.

 

What a pity. I believe that these people are exceptions. And exceptions
prove the rule: the rule being that Muslims are normal. Indeed, normality -
including the setting of norms - is nothing new to Muslims. At the height of
Arab civilisation, its currency was held from Scandinavia to China. A draft
order signed against an account in Damascus would be welcomed in Guangdong.
And even today, when the Muslim world is in the doldrums, scholars such as
Olivier Roy make a compelling case for globalisation as a key factor in the
congruence of trends in the Muslim and non-Muslim worlds.

 

In saying that most Muslims are normal, I am not implying that they are
creatures of purely earthly events, trends and possibilities, including
globalisation. On the contrary, and I cannot emphasise this strongly enough,
Muslims live at the intersection of the here and the hereafter, the profane
and the sacred - like members of other faiths. In that simultaneous
existence lies their higher normality.

 

Why is it higher? It is higher because the globalisation of religion is far
more resilient than the globalisation of economics, for example. Let is not
forget that economic superpowers at the forefront of globalisation at their
time have not lasted all that long as leaders: Venice in the 16th century,
the Netherlands in the 17th century, France in the 18th century, and Britain
in the 19th century . with the American ascendancy of the 20th century now
facing China, India, outsourcing and the future. By contrast, Islam is 1,500
years old, Christianity 2,000 years old, and Judaism 4,000 years old, if we
consider even just the Semitic faiths. Many other world religions are much
older. Religions do survive.

 

Their survival underscores the interface of two domains: the here and the
hereafter. Every day, Muslims live out the praxis of deen, religion, and
duniya, worldly existence. Their challenge is to establish deen in duniya.
This they cannot do without a sense of the divine impulse in human history.
Muslims locate themselves in a form of salvation history. Believing that God
is present in history, they grapple with issues of piety, equity, peace,
power, realpolitik and war through an interplay between their sense of a
divine purpose and their experience of lived reality. What is normal about
Muslims is that their angst is true of other religions as well.

 

What, then, is the problem?

 

The problem with using salvation history as the basis of action is that
salvation history is as much history as it is salvation. In other words,
human motives, especially the interests of manipulative politicians or
influential elites, make the road to the hereafter slippery. The
transcendental eternities of religion get commandeered for passing political
ends.

 

The very future is at stake. Let there be no illusions. There is a war on.
This war is not between a Judeo-Christian West and an Islamic East, but it
is a war in which the cardinal principles by which Jews, Christians, Muslims
and many others live will be tested. Cease-fires will be temporary; death
and destruction will be the permanent theme -- unless humans can find a way
to coexist in nuclear peace.

 

For co-existence to occur, Muslims and non-Muslims must find their way to
being on the same side of history.

 

It is in that context that I wrote a commentary some time ago urging
peaceful Muslims to speak up against terrorism carried out by violent
Muslims. This speaking up, I said, was in the interests of Islam itself. My
comments elicited a rather stern response which argued, in effect, that
there was no reason why Muslims should speak up against terrorism when they
are not required to speak up against attacks on Muslims. This argument is a
familiar one, and it goes with arguments such as that there is no need to be
apologetic about terrorism by Muslims when other faith communities have not
cried themselves hoarse over terrorist attacks carried out by the Irish
Republican Army (IRA) or the Tamil Tigers, for example. 

 

Let me respond to this argument. It is true that the IRA's religious profile
is Catholic; however, it was not fighting for Catholicism but for Irish
nationalism. Likewise, the Hindu Tamil Tigers are not fighting for a Hindu
state carved out of Sri Lanka but for Tamil nationalism. By contrast,
Al-Qaeda claims to be fighting for Islam. So, unless a Muslim believes that
Al-Qaeda is indeed fighting for Islam, he or she should speak up against
Al-Qaeda.

 

The other argument against speaking up has to do with root causes. Nobody is
born a terrorist, and terrorism does not grow in a vacuum, it is argued.
True enough. You cannot revile Palestinian terrorism without denouncing
Israeli atrocities in Palestine. True. But the question is this: Will a fair
resolution of the Palestinian issue remove terrorism from the landscape of
the Middle East and the wider Muslim world? Will self-rule in Iraq and
further normalisation in Afghanistan help? I am not certain, although I am
all for Iraq for Iraqis and Afghanistan for Afghans. Why am I not certain?
Take the American and other foreigners who are helping Saudi Arabia pump up
oil. What atrocities have those foreigners committed that militants should
attack them in Riyadh? What are the root causes there? And which root causes
explain attacks by extremist Sunnis and Shias on each other in Pakistan? If
the answer is that the roots of conflict there are political and not
religious, should not the same
 argument be extended to Palestine, Chechnya, Kashmir and Mindanao? Should
we not think that political factors are at play there, and that Islam is
merely being used to rationalise violence? And if this is the case, should
not the exploitation of Islam for political ends cease? There are root
causes, and there is terrorism. What I am saying is that Islam should not be
used to link the two.

=========================

Asad Latif is a Senior Correspondent with The Straits Times. This is an
excerpt from a talk which he gave in a personal capacity at Darul Arqam
Singapore on January 15, 2005. This article was published in the latest
issue of 'The Muslim Reader', Singapore. Ours is a tri-annual magazine that
provides invaluable insights into the socio-economic and political issues
surrounding Muslim communities in Singapore and the wider Asian region. The
magazine targets policymakers and members of the intelligentsia group vying
to understand Muslim societies in light of contemporary concerns like
terrorism/extremism, environmentalism, and social issues like the casino and
improving conditions for former prisoners. For more information, or if you
want to subscribe to the magazine or write for it, contact Nazry Bahrawi
(Editor} on [EMAIL PROTECTED]   Do also have a look at our website on
www.darul-arqam.org.sg

 




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