http://www.sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?file=/c/a/2005/07/10/INGRADJFBF1.D
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Sunday, July 10, 2005 (SF Chronicle)
Will America be the next terror target?/London attack shows al Qaeda's
strategy
John Arquilla


   While our hearts go out to the victims of the terrorist bombings in
London, our minds inevitably turn to one question: After nearly four
years, why hasn't al Qaeda returned to attack America again?
   There are two possible answers. One is that terror networks have been hit
so hard by our military overseas and our defenses are so improved that
they can't come back to prey upon our homeland. Another, more troubling
possibility is that al Qaeda has deliberately chosen a strategy of
striking elsewhere and that it will turn its sights on us when it is
ready.
   Both answers must be considered, but the first explanation falls apart
quickly when we look at al Qaeda's actions in the past few years.
   For example, in April 2003, the month after the United States invaded
Iraq, al Qaeda mounted a major assault in Saudi Arabia. By August 2003, it
had expanded its attacks into Iraq, where it still wages a vicious
insurgency. Osama bin Laden's minions are still fighting in Afghanistan
and have even gone after the Pakistani military ruler, Gen. Pervez
Musharraf, coming close to assassinating him on a couple of occasions.
   Beyond these major offensive moves, al Qaeda and its affiliates also have
mounted substantial strikes in Spain, Tunisia, Turkey and Indonesia. Now
they have attacked in Britain. And if official government statistics are
to be relied upon, the number of significant terrorist attacks since Sept.
11, 2001, has skyrocketed to a total of 651 in 2004, according to the
State Department. That's an all-time high, except for revised 2004 figures
just put out by the National Counterterrorism Center, which puts the
number at 3,192.
   No, terror networks are not too crippled to continue to fight us and our
allies. But perhaps they haven't come back to attack America because our
defenses have become too good, sharply reducing their chances of success
in any new terrorist venture.
   This is not likely either. We do pay more attention now to patrolling our
long, unfortified borders, and we have gotten better at protecting our
vulnerable power and transportation infrastructures. Nevertheless,
hundreds of thousands of illegal immigrants still arrive every year.
   Our local transit and long-range rail systems remain at risk. And,
despite
the advance warning provided by earlier terrorist attempts to shoot down
planes using shoulder-mounted missiles in Mombasa and Baghdad, airliners
remain vulnerable to this form of attack.
   Thus, it seems that the answer to our nagging question must be that al
Qaeda has made a strategic choice not to bring the war back to America --
yet.
   What does the logic behind such a decision look like? At the broadest
level, taking the war elsewhere, as al Qaeda has, follows the concept of
the indirect approach championed by the great British strategist B.H.
Liddell Hart. This method consists of trying to knock away the props upon
which even the strongest combatant must rely.
   For example, if al Qaeda succeeded in toppling the Saudi government and
replacing it with radical Islamists, they would have their finger on the
oil pumps feeding the global economic pulse. Similarly, if Pakistan fell
to the terrorists and their supporters, they would inherit an arsenal of
nuclear weapons, upsetting the whole strategic calculus of the war.
   Then there is Iraq, which seems to afford nothing but room to maneuver
for
al Qaeda. If U.S. troops were ever to leave, as everybody including
President Bush wants them to, al Qaeda would claim credit for having
driven us out. That would be a public relations bonanza for bin Laden. But
if we stay, al Qaeda has a handy, easy-to-reach location for fighting
Americans and sapping our will to continue the terror war.
   In its March 11, 2004, attacks in Madrid, al Qaeda drove a powerful wedge
between the Spanish people, who opposed the war in Iraq, and their
pro-U.S. government, which fell from power after those strikes.
   Now, threats have been made against Italy and Denmark, two other
coalition
members whose publics have opposed the war on Iraq.
   It remains to be seen how the British public will respond to these latest
attacks, but it seems clear that the terrorist choice of London as a
target is yet another aspect of the indirect approach. For if staunch
British support for the U.S. intervention in Iraq were to falter, our
whole policy there might come undone.
   So it seems that the invasion and occupation of Iraq, which many of us
opposed beforehand, have become both our Achilles' heel and the single
most important reason al Qaeda has chosen not to resume its terror
campaign in America. Iraq provides our principal enemy with a place to
fight us directly and a reason to mount an indirect campaign against our
allies.
   Some might now say that this makes our presence in Iraq worthwhile. As
the
president has put it, "We fight the terrorists in Iraq so that we do not
have to face them at home."
   Perhaps. Yet for a small fraction of what our involvement in Iraq has
cost
us in blood and treasure, we could have shored up our homeland defenses
and made it well-nigh impossible for the terrorists to attack America
again.
   The rerouting of an even tinier fraction of these vast resources in
support of a proactive campaign by small teams of special forces hunter
networks would keep the terrorists perpetually on the run, unable even to
think about coming back here or about striking elsewhere.
   But we're still in Iraq, and we'll be there for years to come. Oddly,
this
probably means few, if any, attacks will be attempted on American
territory. It also means there will be more Madrids and Londons. This
should remind us that, in a war fought for all that we call civilization,
feeling more assured about our own safety is hardly a sign that victory is
near.
   John Arquilla is professor of defense analysis at the U.S. Naval
Postgraduate School in Monterey. His views do not represent official
Defense Department policy.
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Copyright 2005 SF Chronicle




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