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        ANALYSIS/COMMENT        Last Updated: Jul 16th, 2005 - 
23:12:53
 

Terrorism, Vincent Browne and nattering nabobs of negativism

By Michael Hennigan
Jul 16, 2005, 22:09     

Tony Benn, former British Cabinet Minister
On Thursday, July 7th, former British Cabinet Minister Tony Benn 
referred to the plight of Palestinians as one factor behind the 
London terror bombings, which had occurred earlier that day. Benn 
may well have been right as there is never a shortage of 
justifications for such acts. The plight of the estimated 2 million 
African Muslims who were driven from their homes by Arab Muslims in 
West Sudan, with at least 50,000 killed, would never be cited as a 
cause. Neither would the rights of the people of Kurdistan, the 
largest ethnic group in the world without their own state. From the 
time British cartographers split Kurdistan in the aftermath of the 
collapse of the Ottoman Empire, between the four Muslim countries - 
Turkey, Iran Iraq and Syria - the Kurds were treated very badly. The 
lot of Iraqi Kurds has improved significantly since the US imposed 
no-fly zone in the 1990's and following the overthrow of Saddam 
Hussein in 2003. Let's at least recognise good news.

However, bad news sells magazines as Irish journalist Vincent Browne 
appears to believe. He is Ireland's leading commentator on foreign 
issues and is a super example of the well-paid chairborne 
commentator on world affairs who has never lived abroad for an 
extended period or worked as a foreign correspondent. This week's 
issue of Browne's Village magazine has images of George W. Bush and 
Tony Blair on the cover with the words The Real Terrorists 
emblazoned across it. Browne seldom writes anything positive and the 
phrase nattering nabobs of negativism coined by the former New York 
Times Pulitzer Prize winning columnist William Safire, when working 
as a speechwriter at the Nixon White House, comes to mind. Browne is 
generally anti-war. However he has in the past lamented the failure 
to stop genocide in Africa while he has both supported and opposed 
American led NATO military action in the Balkans.
Palestine
 

Yasser Arafat - winner of the Nobel Peace Prize 1994 - Arafat 
rejected a deal with Isreal that was brokered by US President Bill 
Clinton and subsequently supported terrorist attacks on Isreal
A decade ago, the prospects for peaceful settlement of the Israel-
Palestine dispute ended when extremists on both sides doomed the 
necessary compromises that were required for a long-term solution. 
Palestine lacked a leader like the 1920's Irish nationalist Michael 
Collins who saw virtue in compromise. In 1974 in Northern Ireland, 
both the IRA and pro-British extremists doomed the first cross-
community power-sharing agreement. It took almost a quarter century 
for a new agreement that was similar to the 1974 one, to win cross-
community support. 

Who knows how long it will take for a viable state of Palestine to 
be established and for the excuse for Muslim extremists to be no 
longer available? As for the US invasion of Iraq, it has undoubtedly 
given heart to the jihadis. However, who knows what the verdict on 
the overthrow of the tyranny of Saddam Hussein will be in say ten 
years time? The end of Communist dictatorship in Europe unleashed 
ethnic tensions that had terrible consequences for some people in 
the former empire. There was also economic dislocation for other 
people. However, the verdict today can only be positive. In Iraq, a 
state of tyranny has been replaced with one of chaos but UN 
sanctions would have remained on Iraq for as long as Saddam retained 
power. 

Failure in the Middle East

Despite the problems that exist in the world today, consider the 
situation in 1974. Not only was Eastern Europe controlled by a 
nuclear-powered dictatorship in Moscow, dictatorships ruled Spain, 
Portugal and Greece. It was a similar situation in Latin America and 
Asia. Today, it is only the Middle East and much of Africa that 
remains frozen in time. 
 

Gamel Nasser, President of Egypt - Nasser dreamt of creating an Arab 
nation that might stretch from Morocco to Iraq. He merged his 
country with Syria in 1958 to form "the United Arab Republic." Iraq 
also considered joining the union. The Syrians felt the Egyptians 
did not treat them as equals. After a 1961 drought in Syria, army 
officers seized control of the nation and declared independence from 
Egypt. Nassar kept the name United Arab Republic as a symbol for his 
hope of Arab unity. Nasser led the disastrous Arab war with Isreal 
in 1967.

In the Middle East, Israel has developed a modern economy and 
democracy in a desert region similar to that inhabited by the Arab 
peoples. Fareed Zakaria of Newsweek magazine has written: The 
question is how a region that once yearned for modernity could 
reject it so dramatically. In the Middle Ages the Arabs studied 
Aristotle (when he was long forgotten in the West) and invented 
algebra. In the 19th century, when the West set ashore in Arab 
lands, in the form of Napoleon's conquest of Egypt, the locals were 
fascinated by this powerful civilization. In fact, as the historian 
Albert Hourani has documented, the 19th century saw European-
inspired liberal political and social thought flourish in the Middle 
East. 

Zalaria writes of Egyptian President Nasser's promotion of Pan-
Arabism in the 1950's and 1960's: It was a version of the 
nationalism that had united Italy and Germany in the 1870s--that 
those who spoke one language should be one nation. America thinks of 
modernity as all good--and it has been almost all good for America. 
But for the Arab world, modernity has been one failure after 
another. Each path followed--socialism, secularism, nationalism--has 
turned into a dead end. While other countries adjusted to their 
failures, Arab regimes got stuck in their ways. And those that 
reformed economically could not bring themselves to ease up 
politically. The Shah of Iran, the Middle Eastern ruler who tried to 
move his country into the modern era fastest, reaped the most 
violent reaction in the Iranian revolution of 1979. But even the 
shah's modernization--compared, for example, with the East Asian 
approach of hard work, investment and thrift--was an attempt to buy 
modernization with oil wealth.
 

Fareed Zakaria has served as editor of Newsweek International since 
2001, overseeing Newsweek's eight editions throughout Asia, Latin 
America, Europe, Australia, and the Middle East. In 1992, at the age 
of 28, Zakaria became the youngest managing editor in the history of 
Foreign Affairs, America's leading foreign policy journal – a 
position he held through 2000. 

It turns out that modernization takes more than strongmen and oil 
money. Importing foreign stuff--Cadillacs, Gulfstreams and 
McDonald's--is easy. Importing the inner stuffings of modern society-
-a free market, political parties, accountability and the rule of 
law--is difficult and dangerous. The Gulf states, for example, have 
gotten modernization lite, with the goods and even the workers 
imported from abroad. Nothing was homegrown; nothing is even now. As 
for politics, the Gulf governments offered their people a bargain: 
we will bribe you with wealth, but in return let us stay in power. 
It was the inverse slogan of the American revolution--no taxation, 
but no representation either....

Globalization in the Arab world is the critic's caricature of 
globalization--a slew of Western products and billboards with little 
else. For some in their societies it means more things to buy. For 
the regimes it is an unsettling, dangerous phenomenon. As a result, 
the people they rule can look at globalization but for the most part 
not touch it...Disoriented young men, with one foot in the old world 
and another in the new, now look for a purer, simpler alternative. 
Fundamentalism searches for such people everywhere; it, too, has 
been globalized. One can now find men in Indonesia who regard the 
Palestinian cause as their own. (Twenty years ago an Indonesian 
Muslim would barely have known where Palestine was.) Often they 
learned about this path away from the West while they were in the 
West. As did Mohamed Atta, the Hamburg-educated engineer who drove 
the first plane into the World Trade Center

Zakaria writes that globalization has caught the Arab world at a bad 
demographic moment. Arab societies are going through a massive youth 
bulge, with more than half of most countries' populations under the 
age of 25. Young men, often better educated than their parents, 
leave their traditional villages to find work. They arrive in noisy, 
crowded cities like Cairo, Beirut and Damascus or go to work in the 
oil states. (Almost 10 percent of Egypt's working population worked 
in the Gulf at one point.) In their new world they see great 
disparities of wealth and the disorienting effects of modernity; 
most unsettlingly, they see women, unveiled and in public places, 
taking buses, eating in cafes and working alongside them.

A huge influx of restless young men in any country is bad news. When 
accompanied by even small economic and social change, it usually 
produces a new politics of protest. In the past, societies in these 
circumstances have fallen prey to a search for revolutionary 
solutions. (France went through a youth bulge just before the French 
Revolution, as did Iran before its 1979 revolution.) In the case of 
the Arab world, this revolution has taken the form of an Islamic 
resurgence.

Blaming America for action and inaction

Many Europeans appear to only react to a foreign issue when there is 
an American angle to it. Sudan, Burma, North Korea and Zimbabwe 
evoke little response. Sometimes, America is both blamed for action 
and inaction.
In 1999, Vincent Browne's Irish Times colleague Kevin Myers wrote: 
Not so long ago Vincent Browne was feverishly denouncing the US in 
this newspaper for not intervening in Rwanda/Burundi to end the 
genocide there, and he quoted all manner of international law, most 
pointedly the Genocide Convention of 1949, as justification. Now 
journalists should not be too predictable, otherwise there'd be no 
point in anyone actually reading what they said. So maybe we 
shouldn't be too surprised that he is now feverishly denouncing the 
US for doing in Kosovo what he was urging it to do in Africa.
In 2001, Browne called the Americans  terrorists for knowingly 
inflicting terror on innocent people in Afghanistan. He said that 
the US should have avoided violence and the inevitable killing of 
innocent civilians at least until negotiation had failed. It did not 
exhaust negotiation on the extradition of bin Laden et al, indeed it 
did not negotiate at all.

Browne has not said how the US could have stopped the genocide of 1 
million people in Africa without the risk of civilian casualties. In 
1996, he wrote that the genocide there (in the Balkans) stopped only 
when the US and then the UN intervened militarily. Yet three years 
later, he was denouncing the US military response to the ethnic 
cleansing by Serbian soldiers in  the province of Kosovo.
 

Vincent Browne - In the small Irish media market, Browne works for 
three of the four principal Irish media organisations and also has 
his own political weekly

Browne wrote in 1999: How can the deliberate infliction of 
devastation wrought by bombs, on the lives of innocent people, ever 
be justified? The issue of America's force protection policy of 
using devastating force is a legitimate one to raise, but Browne 
cannot have it both ways in both praising NATO bombing in the 
Balkans in the 1990's and criticising it. It is an issue of 
credibility and consistency, which he today so virulently criticises 
others for not meeting this standard, from the safety of his PC.
Finally, in 2002 Charles Latvis, an American resident in Ireland, 
wrote the following in a letter to The Irish Times:

Hypocrisy and inconsistency are the two charges which have been 
levelled most loudly and repetitively at America, but surely our 
esteemed journalists know these are weapons which almost always 
leave a powder stain. I never thought Osama bin Laden would merit a 
place in the hagiography of the Irish Left. I remember less than 
sympathetic responses to religious fundamentalism of a more native 
and innocuous kind, when Dana dared to run for Europe, Cardinal 
Connell tried to do his job, and thousands dared to buy Faith of Our 
Fathers. Dr Noel Browne and the never-to-be forgotten International 
Brigade surely would not make room for a religious fundamentalist.
Claims about America's inconsistent foreign policy are legitimate in 
themselves but the similarly disproportionate attention by the Irish 
press to America's mistakes points to the true source of this 
animosity. Starving Afghans are ignored until America can somehow be 
construed as the cause. Palestinians are wailed for, while Kurds and 
countless thousands of Africans (remember Somalia?) are ground under 
the boot. And Cuba, a lovely little military dictatorship, is 
celebrated as the Disneyworld of the champagne socialists, while 
Texas is no-go because it executes anyone who does not eat hormone-
pumped beef or feed oil to marsh birds.







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