http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2005/07/16/AR2005071601
018.html?nav=rss_business
Intelligence Center, Contractor MZM on Cozy Terms

By Walter Pincus
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, July 17, 2005; Page A07

Two months after MZM Inc. was given its first order in October 2002 to
perform services for the Army's National Ground Intelligence Center (NGIC),
the company hired the son of the center's senior civilian official,
Executive Director William S. Rich Jr., according to present and former
intelligence center employees.

MZM's initial task was to perform a seven-week, $194,000 analysis of
"FIRES," a computer program concept to collect blueprints of facilities
worldwide to create an intelligence database, according to material provided
by the Pentagon.

Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham (R-Calif.) said Thursday he will not seek
reelection. His dealings with MZM Inc. are under investigation. (By Lenny
Ignelzi -- Associated Press) William Scott Rich III became involved in the
FIRES program soon after he was hired in December 2002, and MZM received
multimillion-dollar orders to continue work on FIRES and other programs.

The senior Rich "was not involved in matters concerning MZM's work at the
NGIC except in the normal way of the executive director's responsibility to
oversee all the programs run at the facility," according to a statement by
Deborah Parker, chief of public affairs for the Army Intelligence and
Security Command, which oversees the NGIC.

When the younger Rich was hired by MZM, "in line with joint ethics
regulations, [Rich senior] was required to inform his superiors and recuse
himself from dealing with the [MZM] company," Parker's statement said.
Parker did not provide the date Rich recused himself.

The elder Rich was not the only NGIC senior manager with a relative at MZM.
The wife of Robert Canar, until last month the center's longtime chief of
staff, was employed as a secretary at MZM.

When the senior Rich resigned from the NGIC in September 2003, he joined MZM
as a senior executive vice president for intelligence. "The circumstances of
Mr. Rich's employment with MZM were thoroughly reviewed by Army officials,"
according to Parker, and "no evidence of impropriety was found."

The Ethics in Government Act barred Rich, as a senior manager, from having
dealings with the NGIC for one year after his employment by MZM.

Over the past three years, Rich was joined at MZM by at least 15 former
intelligence center colleagues -- analysts and administrative personnel
hired, in some cases, to work on the same projects they dealt with as
government employees, according to present and former NGIC staffers. "After
contract awards, many people were hired away from NGIC at a higher salary,
only to return to work on the same programs," according to one contract
employee working at the NGIC who spoke on the condition of anonymity in
order to keep his job.

The Ethics in Government Act's standards differ for executives, managers and
workers who leave government employment and take up the same work as a
private contractor. But agency leaders once engaged in awarding contracts
are barred from then seeking contracts from the same agency.

If a former intelligence center's employee recruited an ex-colleague on
behalf of a private contractor such as MZM, the recruiter's status and rank
would be factors in determining whether an ethics violation had occurred.

Neither the senior Rich nor his son have responded to telephone calls and
e-mails from The Washington Post. MZM did not respond to repeated requests
for comment.

The NGIC is a critical Army intelligence center with a staff of 900,
three-quarters of whom are civilian scientists, engineers and intelligence
analysts. The other one-quarter are active military.

Most NGIC employees work at a relatively new facility near Charlottesville,
where they produce the Army's primary intelligence analyses of foreign
armies, their force structures and capabilities. Others conduct scientific
and technical studies on foreign weapons and technologies.

The NGIC, which is facing an inquiry by the director of national
intelligence for its prewar mistakes in analyzing Iraq's weapons programs,
has been drawn into the federal investigations of MZM, according to Army and
Justice Department spokesmen.

The NGIC was criticized in March by the Silberman-Robb presidential
commission for "gross failure" in its analysis of Iraqi arms. The commission
said the center was "completely wrong" when it found in September 2002 that
the aluminum tubes Iraq was purchasing were "highly unlikely" to be used for
rocket motor cases.

That inaccurate finding bolstered a CIA contention that the tubes were meant
for nuclear centrifuges and were evidence that Iraqi President Saddam
Hussein was reconstituting a nuclear weapons program. Two NGIC analysts who
produced the inaccurate finding have received annual performance awards each
year since 2002. Officials said the bonuses were for their overall
activities.

Gen. Michael V. Hayden, the deputy director of national intelligence, told
reporters June 29 that his office would conduct its own inquiry into the
Silberman-Robb finding.

When Parker, the center spokeswoman, was asked last week about Rich, his son
and NGIC personnel going to work for MZM or MZM employees working at the
NGIC, she said in a statement that "due to the ongoing investigation on MZM,
we must refer all questions concerning MZM, its employees and activities" to
the Justice Department.

The MZM investigation is being carried out by the FBI, the Defense Criminal
Investigative Service, the Internal Revenue Service and the U.S. attorney's
offices in the District of Columbia and San Diego, according to one law
enforcement official. That official would not say where the intelligence
center may fit in.

The agency also is in managerial turmoil. Earlier this month, Rich's
replacement as NGIC executive director, H. Allan Boyd, decided to return to
Iowa, citing personal economic problems after less than a year in the job.
Former chief of staff Canar has been reassigned to handle personnel and
facilities issues relating to base realignment and closure issues. Col.
Dalton Jones, the NGIC's military commander, having put in the traditional
two-year tour, was replaced on June 30 by Col. John Chiu. Because the
center's executive directorate is a Senior Executive Service post, whoever
succeeds Boyd will outrank Chiu.

The federal investigations involving the NGIC and MZM are part of an inquiry
that began last month into the relationship between the company's founder,
Mitchell J. Wade, and Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham (R-Calif.). California
newspapers reported last month that Wade bought Cunningham's home near San
Diego in 2003 for what appears to be $700,000 more than it was worth, and
that Cunningham lived rent-free for more than a year on Wade's 42-foot yacht
while in Washington.

Wade has stepped down, and the company is considering options, including a
sale.

The Pentagon three weeks ago cut off new work on MZM's main contract, under
which the NGIC work was performed, saying it no longer was considered
competitively awarded. MZM over the past three years has done more than $160
million in defense contracting work.




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