http://www.kashmirherald.com/featuredarticle/elst-wahi-part4.html
 
  

Wahi: The Supernatural Basis of Islam

Part IV  - Cultural relativism comes to the defence of Mohammed’s wahi
Dr. Koenraad ELST

[Editor's Note: Kashmir Herald is honored to have Dr. Koenraad ELST write a
series of articles exclusively for Kashmir Herald. His series of 5 exclusive
articles on "The Supernatural Basis of Islam" will be published exclusively
here on Kashmir Herald.]

There is a school in psychiatry, now well past its prime but quite strong in
the 1960s and 70s, which rejects the whole notion that we can arrive at a
diagnosis of mental disturbance for people from other climes and cultures.
If you tell that crowd about a psychopathological diagnosis of a 7th-century
Arab, they will dismiss it as cultural imperialism, as projection of modern
notions onto radically different pre-modern cultures. In non-specialist
circles, this cultural relativism is now probably stronger than ever before:
postmodern intellectuals refuse to be “judgmental” about characters from
other cultures, including the Prophet of Islam.

Thus, it is argued that more or less controlled and ritualized forms of
ghost-possession were an established part of many cultures since thousands
of years. This way, Mohammed’s Quranic trance (wahi) could be justified as a
form of Shamanic contact with the spirit world. To be sure, classifying
Mohammed as a kind of Shamanic medium would still undermine his claim to a
unique status as the final prophet, but it does sound better than labels
like “hallucination” or “sensory delusion”. Georg Feuerstein (Holy Madness,
Arkana Books 1992, a book on the interface between religion and altered
mental conditions, p.15) does Mohammed the honour of describing him as a
“mystic”.

And yet, the relativistic position is refuted by spokesmen of those
premodern cultures themselves. It is simply not true that where we see
pathological symptoms, the ancients merely saw a state of divine
intervention. Some of the terms still in common use as names of specific
psychopathological syndromes, such as mania and paranoia, originate with the
ancient Greeks. Manuals of Ayurvedic and Tibetan medicine already try to
classify and treat mental problems. Indeed, it is hard to find any culture
which doesn’t have a notion of madness. In this particular case, we cannot
say that the 7th-century Arabs already had an embryonic knowledge of
psychiatry, but at least they were clearly of the view that there was
something wrong with Mohammed’s mind.

In our latest article, we saw that Mohammed himself initially evinced a
healthy skepticism vis-à-vis the visions and revelations which he had
started receiving from AD 610 onwards. It was mainly his first wife Khadija
who helped him in getting accustomed to this recurring psychic phenomenon
and in accepting his status of prophet. Meanwhile, most of his townsfolk in
Mecca remained unconvinced. It is not modern neo-colonial Western
psychologists who imposed this skepticism on them, it is clearly they
themselves who, within the framework of their own culture, saw sufficient
reason to reject Mohammed’s belief in his status of recipient of divine
revelation.

The Quran itself gives more than a dozen instances where Mohammed, or the
“voice” he heard, puts him on guard against the Meccans’ view that his
revelations are merely the effect of ghost-possession. This is very explicit
in the ten verses 15:6, 23:70/72, 34:8, 34:46/45, 37:36/35, 44:14/13, 52:29,
68:2, 68:51, 81:22. Thus: “They say; ‘He suffers of ghost-possession’? No,
he came to them with truth but most of them abhor truth.” (23:70/72)

To this list, Mohammed himself adds several references to Biblical prophets
likewise accused of ghost-possession: earlier prophets in general 51:52,
Noah 23:25, Moses 26:27/26 and 51:39. It is to be noted that the Bible
nowhere mentions such an allegation against Noah, Moses or most other
prophets (the one exception being Hosea 9:7, a prophet apparently unknown to
Mohammed: “They call the man of the spirit a madman: so great is their guilt
that their resistance is likewise great”). Undoubtedly, Mohammed, whose
knowledge of the Bible was only sketchy, was projecting his own plight onto
them.

To be sure, the Arabs were not modern psychiatrists, they had no clear-cut
diagnosis though they were in no doubt that something was wrong. In a few
instances, they give the alternative explanation that Mohammed was an
ambitious but fanciful poet who had merely invented it all: 21:5, 36:69,
37:36/35, 52:30, e.g.: “But no, they say: ‘A web of dreams. He must have
invented them. He must be a poet.’” (21:5) They also opined that he was
“enchanted”: 17:47/50, 25:8/9. Mohammed counters this by calling the
unbelievers themselves enchanted (23:89/91), but mostly, we again see
Mohammed defending himself with the plea that the same allegation had been
made against earlier prophets: Moses 17:107/108, Shu’aib 26:185, Salih
26:153.

The argument that “I am a prophet but am not acknowledged as such by my
narrow-minded contemporaries, just as the ancient prophets were not given
due recognition either” somehow manages to make non-recognition into an
indication of genuine prophethood. Ordinary people would start doubting
themselves when confronted with general skepticism of their beliefs. But not
Mohammed, whose reasoning went like this: because I have these revelations
from above, because I have the exceptional status of prophet, people reject
me or laugh at me, but far from shaking my belief in the divine origin of
these visions, this merely proves the weightiness and genuineness of my
prophetic mission, for it puts me up there is the top league with prophets
like Noah and Moses. For people of the scientific temper, this subjective
and self-centred rationalization of the negative feedback that Mohammed
encountered, can be put aside as just that: a fallacious rationalization of
an irrational belief.



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