http://www.haaretz.com/hasen/spages/675538.html

Last update - 13:47 27/01/2006   
 
 
Radical Islam - with sovereignty
 

By Jonathan Spyer
 
British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw last week hurried to dispel any
sense of imminent crisis in the nuclear stand-off with Iran. "I don't
think we should rush our fences here," Straw told an audience in
London, before going on to suggest that Iran's concern to avoid seeing
the issue of its nuclear program brought before the UN Security
Council indicated the "strength of the authority of that body."
Iranian defiance of international will on the question of its uranium
enrichment program, and President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad's open advocacy
of the destruction of Israel and embrace of Holocaust denial, have
caused widespread alarm and expressions of concern. Straw, however,
confirms that basic European assumptions on Iran remain unchanged.
Israel's experience with the Islamic Republic of Iran offers some
clues as to the likely effectiveness of the European approach.

Iran's support for Palestinian organizations engaged in violence
against Israel is of long standing. Palestinian Islamic Jihad has
since its inception claimed inspiration from the Islamic revolution in
Iran in 1979. Ramadan Shallah, the movement's leader, described his
organization in May 2002 as "one of the many fruits on our leader
Khomeini's tree." Israeli assessments consider the Iranians to be
Islamic Jihad's near sole source of funding. The mullahs, as may be
seen from last week's bombing in Tel Aviv, get a fair return for their
outlay. In Islamic Jihad, Iran purchases for itself a fully deniable
instrument of policy. The organization may be activated at will in
order to keep the conflict on the boil, help scupper the calm that
must precede a return to negotiation, and so on.

Iran's relations with Hamas are more complex. There ought to be a
natural rivalry and indeed hostility between the Shiite mullahs and
the Palestinian branch of the Muslim Brotherhood. The evidence
suggests that in the first years of Hamas' existence, mutual anathema
did indeed pertain. In the 1990s, however, a close relationship
developed. The basis of this, of course, was a shared strategic
commitment to the destruction of Israel. In the shorter term, a common
desire to stymie all attempts at a diplomatic resolution of the
conflict brought the Shiite Islamists of Tehran and the Sunni radicals
of Gaza together. Sheikh Ahmed Yassin led a Hamas delegation to Iran
in April, 1998. The delegation met with officials from Supreme Leader
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's office, then minister of intelligence and
security Ghorban Ali Dorrie Najafabadi and leaders of the Qods force -
the special operations unit of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps.
According to Arabic media sources, the result was the creation of a
"strategic alliance," which saw the commencement of large financial
transfers from Iran to Hamas. The funds were to come from the Ministry
of Intelligence and Security and other subsidiary bodies. Precise
figures regarding the level of support are hard to come by. One
respected United States researcher estimated that Iranian funding of
Hamas probably reaches between $20 million and $50 million annually.

What relevance should all this have on the Western understanding of
Iran? For the world according to Jack Straw to work, Iran must be
understood to be a country governed by rational, practical men who,
faced with firm criticism from the UN Security Council, will adjust
their plans accordingly. The evidence outlined above, however,
suggests that Islamist Iran is not like that. The support given to
Hamas and Islamic Jihad continued untroubled during the presidency of
the "moderate" Mohammed Khatami, before the arrival of Ahmedinejad,
and the rise of the Revolutionary Guards. With no conceivable
geo-strategic gain for itself, the non-Arab Iran, situated
geographically far from Israel's borders and surrounded by unfriendly
countries, chose to pour money into organizations committed to the
destruction of Israel. They did so because of an idea.

The Israeli experience thus suggests three things. The mullahs take
their ideas seriously. They back them up with money and action. And
the revolutionary ideas in question transcend their Shia origins,
enabling Iran to sponsor a variety of radical Islamist groups, and to
present itself as the key, sovereign force in radical Islam.

Until now, the conflict between the West and radical Islam has taken
the form of a clash between states and non-state Islamist
organizations. Iran is radical Islam with sovereignty, and it seeks to
become radical Islam with a nuclear capability. In its dealings with
Israel, on the basis of ideology alone, it sponsors organizations
whose main purpose is the murder of civilians. The West will need to
decide if it feels happy about such a body possessing nuclear weapons.
If it decides that it does not, it will then need to examine whether
"action" in the form of a rebuke from the Security Council is likely
to prove a sufficiently terrifying proposition to force the men of
ideas and blood in Tehran to think again.

Dr. Jonathan Spyer is a senior research fellow at the Global Research
in International Affairs Center at the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya.








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