American Muslims gaining a foothold in politics 
By Jill Lawrence, USA TODAY
TEANECK, N.J. - The mayor of nearby Prospect Park is a 30-year-old high
school business teacher with a young son. He was a volunteer firefighter at
18 and has been active in his community ever since. But when he sought the
mayor's office last fall, voters received anonymous fliers calling him a
"betrayer" tied to the 9/11 terrorists.
  <http://images.usatoday.com/_common/_images/clear.gif>        
 City Council hopeful Abdul Waheed, right, talks with Rabbi Yoel Weisshaus
this month.
<http://images.usatoday.com/news/_photos/2006/03/24/muslim-inside.jpg>
<http://images.usatoday.com/_common/_images/clear.gif>  City Council hopeful
Abdul Waheed, right, talks with Rabbi Yoel Weisshaus this month.
<http://images.usatoday.com/_common/_images/clear.gif>  
By Todd Plitt, USA TODAY        
Why? Because he is a Syrian-born Muslim named Mohamed Khairullah.
"I was worried for my family," Khairullah says. "Any crazy person could have
just driven by and done something. But we just had faith and went on doing
what we had to do." The result: he got the job, open because the previous
mayor had moved away, and now is running to keep it.
The 9/11 attacks have had a curious double-edged impact on the political
emergence of American Muslims. They are up against more stereotyping and
backlash, which they perceived recently in the furor over a Dubai company's
thwarted plan to take over port operations in several U.S. cities.
At the same time, the 9/11 attacks jolted Muslims into realizing that they
needed to make themselves known to their neighbors and heard by their
government. They are voting, running for office and getting more involved in
civic and political life at every level, from PTAs and school boards to town
councils and state legislatures. At least two - Texas Republicans Amir Omar
and Ahmad Hassan - are running for U.S. Congress.
The Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), which promotes Muslim
political activity, has opened 23 of its 31 U.S. chapters since 9/11. In the
2004 election, two studies found, one in five Muslim voters were first-time
voters.
"There was a silver lining. We became more public," says Aref Assaf,
president of the New Jersey-based American Arab Forum.
This large-scale entry of Muslims into public life is not only testing the
courage of Muslim candidates and the tolerance of voters. It's also
prompting politicians to take notice of a community that has growing clout
and is open to appeals from both parties.
Could decide close races
American Muslims are hard to count. Many immigrants have Muslim names, but
African-American Muslims often don't. For example, one of the
highest-ranking Muslim officials in the country is North Carolina state
senator Larry Shaw.


  <http://images.usatoday.com/_common/_images/clear.gif>          Mosques in
the U.S.           <http://images.usatoday.com/_common/_images/clear.gif>
<http://images.usatoday.com/_common/_images/clear.gif>  


States with the largest number of mosques:      
California       214    
New York         170    
Texas    83     
Florida  78     
New Jersey       61     
Illinois         56     
Michigan         54     
Ohio     47     
Pennsylvania     47     
North Carolina   32     
Massachusetts    29     
Maryland         26     
Source: American Muslim Database Project; August 2003   
  <http://images.usatoday.com/_common/_images/clear.gif>        
Based on tallies of mosque membership and Muslim names, several national
organizations estimate there are 4.5 million to 6 million American Muslims.
Most live in a dozen big states, giving them the potential to make a
difference in tight races. Aslam Abdullah, editor of the weekly Muslim
Observer newspaper, says there are about 15 close races for Congress in
districts where Muslims are concentrated and could cast decisive votes.
Mosques, numbering more than 1,200 across the country, are "the grassroots
center of our political empowerment," Assaf says. They hold
voter-registration drives and policy discussions. They invite candidates to
speak, offering access to large crowds at Friday prayers.
Up to a third of American Muslims are African-Americans who vote mostly for
Democrats. The rest come from Pakistan, India, Afghanistan, the Middle East
and Africa. Many lived in dictatorships or theocracies and did not
participate in politics in their homelands. "It is definitely a new idea,"
says Mohamed El Filali, outreach director of the Islamic Center of Passaic
County in Paterson.
The immigrants are in tune with Republican conservatism on issues such as
abortion, gay rights and religion, say analysts such as Georgetown
University professor Zahid Bukhari. But they agree with Democrats on civil
liberties and government social programs.
At this point, Muslims aren't firmly allied with either party. Bush won
backing from Muslim leaders in 2000, before 9/11, and outperformed Democrat
Al Gore among Muslim voters, polls and studies found. Four years later,
dismayed by the Iraq invasion and what they saw as civil liberties abuses
under the USA Patriot Act, the leaders endorsed Democrat John Kerry, and he
won a majority of Muslim voters.
Sherine El-Abd, 60, an Egyptian immigrant and prominent Republican who lives
in Clifton, personally tried to convince a number of Muslims to switch back
to Bush. It was, she admits, an uphill battle: "There were more that didn't
go."
Analysts say the shift is likely to be temporary. "I wouldn't call it a
realignment," CAIR research director Mohamed Nimer says. "What we've seen is
just a one-time deal."
Muslims are comparable to Hispanics, a much larger swing voter group, in
their diversity and their compatibility with positions of both parties.
Analysts say they're also similar to Hispanics in that they are young and
likely to wield increasing influence.
Mohamed Elibiary, president of the Freedom and Justice Foundation in Dallas,
a statewide Muslim advocacy group, cites a 2002 Cornell University finding
that 60% of the U.S. Muslim population is 30 or younger: "You have this huge
bulge that over the next 10 years is going to mature politically" and be far
more active.
His foundation gave that process a jump-start after 9/11. In June 2002, the
group held a candidate forum at Texas Stadium, where the Dallas Cowboys
play. It drew 7,000 Muslims and registered 2,000 new voters. "It was a
reaction to ... feeling like their loyalty to their country was being
questioned," Elibiary says. "What could they do? Get politically engaged to
prove how mainstream they are."
The ultimate form of involvement is running for office, and by that measure,
Muslims are still recovering from 9/11. According to Hazem Kira of the
California Civil Rights Alliance, in 2000 there was an "all-time high" of
700 candidates across the country. That plummeted to 70 in 2002 and rose to
about 100 in 2004.
There are no statistics yet for 2006. Bukhari, co-director of a project
called Muslims in the American Public Square, says grassroots activity is
pushing the trend upward. "Muslims are becoming more involved at the county
and state level," he says. He says there are three Democrats running for
county council and the state legislature in Montgomery County, Md., in
suburban Washington, and "that never happened before."
Muslim immigrants who become candidates tend to be observant but not
orthodox, and many have U.S. educations. "They are more Americanized," Assaf
says.
Of this year's candidates, at least one - Khairullah - is divorced. At least
one is a woman: Democrat Ferial Masry, a teacher making her second run for
the California State Assembly from suburban Los Angeles. In Saudi Arabia,
where she was born, women cannot vote.
Like Masry, whose district leans Republican, Muslims often run as underdogs.
The Dallas Morning News endorsed Omar, son of Iranian and Palestinian
immigrants, over two rivals in his GOP congressional primary. If he wins a
runoff April 11, he'll face a popular Democratic incumbent in a Democratic
district.
  <http://images.usatoday.com/news/_photos/2006/03/24/khairullah-mug.jpg>
<http://images.usatoday.com/_common/_images/clear1x5.gif>       
AP      
Khairullah      
  <http://images.usatoday.com/_common/_images/clear1x5.gif>     
Khairullah, a Democrat, was in his second term on the Prospect Park Borough
Council when the mayor moved away. The flier that said Khairullah should not
be living in "our clean town," that contended he would "poison our thoughts"
about America, did not stop his four fellow council members from picking him
for the mayoral slot.
"They were disgusted by the letter," Khairullah says. "I've been living in
the community the longest out of all the council members. The entire
community knows me."
About-face on Bush
In the months before the 2000 election, Muslim leaders were worried about a
law allowing the government to use secret evidence in immigration hearings.
Leaders were ignored when they approached Gore, says Boston activist Tahir
Ali, but Bush was accessible.
In the second presidential debate, Bush criticized the Secret Evidence Act
as a form of racial profiling and said he supported repealing it "to make
sure that Arab-Americans are treated with respect."
El-Abd, watching at home, says she cried with happiness when she heard Bush
acknowledge her community. Ali, author of a book on the Muslim vote, says
"we had to go with him" because he seemed responsive to Muslim concerns.
The euphoria of having helped elect a winner quickly dissipated as Bush
invaded Iraq and expanded the government's investigative powers under the
Patriot Act. Some Muslims refused to get a library card or register to vote,
scared of "anything that will put them on a list (that) is retrievable" by
the FBI, says Abdul Waheed, 59, a Pakistani immigrant running for Teaneck
City Council.
Others were more angry than fearful. Assaf says he was "a lifelong
Republican" who voted for Bush in 2000. Now he accuses Bush of a "post-9/11
frenzied attack on Islam" and "purely anti-Arab, anti-Islam" policies.
Ali is also having buyer's remorse, mostly over a war many Muslims tried to
avert with calls to contain or oust Saddam Hussein in ways that wouldn't be
so hard on ordinary Iraqis. "I go to a lot of communities, (and) people say,
'You are the reason we voted for Bush, and look at what happened,' " Ali
says. "I'm feeling ashamed."
Elibiary stuck with Bush in 2004, mostly because he was lukewarm on Kerry.
But he says Bush "is about as popular in the Muslim community as he is in
the African-American community. Single digits."
That remains true even as Muslims say Bush was right to defend a
Dubai-controlled company's plan to take over some U.S. port operations. "The
Arabs are coming, the Arabs are coming," says Paterson councilman Aslon
Goow, 47, a Syrian-American, mocking the uproar that killed the deal.
A self-described independent, Goow voted for Bush in 2000 and Kerry in 2004.
When he ran for re-election to City Council in 2004, he said rumors spread
that "because I was a Muslim, I was a terrorist." He says that may be why he
won with fewer votes than the first time.
Waheed, the Teaneck council hopeful, was doing business in a building across
from the World Trade Center on 9/11. He saw bodies falling from the towers
and escaped in a cab driven by a Sikh.
He'd had the same clients for decades; they knew he was Pakistani. A lot
were friendly after 9/11, he says, but "there were a few customers who were
not. You can sense certain things. Discomfort." He sighs. "Islam is the most
misunderstood religion, and Muslims are the most misunderstood people."
Waheed says he is a Democrat, but "on certain issues, I have been in bed
with the Republicans." Collecting signatures for the May 9 town council
election outside a supermarket, he talks to voters about education, business
development, preserving green space. In his baseball cap, holding his
clipboard, he could be any candidate anywhere.
"I am running because I am very conscious of the issues of the town," he
explains. "I am not running because I want to represent Muslims."
 
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