http://msnbc.msn.com/id/14207410/
 
Appointment In Damascus 
In March I asked an old friend what he though would happen in Lebanon. 'It's
not Syria's problem anymore,' he told me. 'We gave Lebanon to Iran.'
By Robert Baer
Newsweek International
Aug. 14, 2006 issue - In March I ran into an old friend in Damascus, a
Syrian businessman close to President Bashar al-Assad. I asked him what he
thought would happen in Lebanon. "It's not Syria's problem anymore," he told
me. "You threw us out. We gave Lebanon to Iran."
I never thought forcing Syria out of Lebanon had been a good idea. The
Lebanese government left in charge was weaker than the one that had been
powerless to stop the civil war in 1975. Brutal as its rule had been, it was
Syria that put an end to that war with the 1989 Taif accord. Syria kept
Hizbullah in check, limiting its parliamentary representation in the 1992,
1996 and 2000 elections. With the Syrian Army gone, I feared, Lebanon would
again become a divided and dangerous country.
To be sure, Damascus is hardly a benign influence. It arms Hizbullah and
harbors violent Palestinian groups. Still, when Syria controlled Lebanon,
Damascus was the closest thing America had to a return address for
Hizbullah's terrorists. This was never clearer than during the 1985
hijacking of TWA Flight 847. When passengers were about to be executed on
the tarmac of Beirut International Airport, President Ronald Reagan appealed
to Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, who ordered his commanders in Lebanon to
gas up their tanks and prepare to crush the militia. Hizbullah released the
hostages.
There were other occasions. In 1987, after Hizbullah kidnapped ABC
correspondent Charles Glass within sight of a Syrian checkpoint, the Syrian
Army pulled Hizbullah members out of their cars and beat them. Glass was
soon free. When the group kidnapped two U.N. employees in 1988, along with
others, Assad threatened to arrest Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah, a cleric
close to Hizbullah, and hang him. Hizbullah quickly let the captives go. In
July 1982, a Lebanese Christian militia kidnapped the Iranian chargé
d'affaires, two other Iranian diplomats and a Leba-nese journalist. In hopes
of an exchange, Iran's Republican Guards arranged to kidnap David Dodge, the
acting president of the American University of Beirut, and smuggle him
across the border to Syria and thence to Tehran. Washington protested to
Assad, who was furious. Unless Iranian authorities freed Dodge, he told
Tehran, Syria would expel the Republican Guards from Lebanon. Needless to
say, Dodge soon arrived unharmed in Damascus.
As I say, like Saddam Hussein in Iraq, it was the Syrians who kept the lid
on Lebanon. So the idea of Damascus's handing its Lebanon portfolio to
Tehran sounded like trouble. What happens next, I asked my Syrian contact.
He shrugged, then dropped a bombshell. During Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's visit to
Damascus in January, he claimed, the Iranian president had met a shadowy
figure in the terrorist world named Imad Mughniyah, the man widely suspected
of kidnapping Dodge and killing U.S. Navy diver Robert Stethem during the
TWA hijacking, among other bloody episodes.
I'd heard this story before. The Mossad was big on it, but I've never quite
believed it. The point is that my source did. Essentially, he was telling me
he feared that Lebanon was spinning out of control—with dangerous
consequences for everyone, including his own country. Freed from Syria's
restraint, Hizbullah might soon be hijacking planes and kidnapping people
again. If backed by Iranian radicals, it could go even further.
At the time I didn't imagine the full-scale war that has since erupted. But
in retrospect, it's hardly surprising. Western diplomats may now seek a
ceasefire and send in international peacekeepers. Israel may create an
ethnically clean "buffer zone" along its northern border. But does anyone
really believe the violence will stop? Will Iran prove a better safety valve
than Syria? Not likely.
When the last Syrian tank rattled across the border last year, Syria fell
back on a policy of trying to seal itself off from the chaos it could see
building around it in Iraq and Lebanon. Bashar al-Assad especially fears the
sort of crisis his father confronted in February 1982, when an insurrection
backed by the Muslim Brotherhood broke out in Hamah. Assad senior contained
it by flattening the town with heavy artillery. Combing through the rubble,
the Syrians were astonished to find that the rebels' weapons had come from
Lebanon. With no strong central government, it had become a failed state, an
open arms bazaar and a haven for terrorists the world over. Today Syria sees
history repeating itself, only worse.
Baer, a former CIA officer, is author of "Sleeping With the Devil: How
Washington Sold Our Soul for Saudi Crude."


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