Al Qaeda Recordings: Semantic Noise and Signals
August 23, 2006 20 34  GMT
http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=273382
By Fred Burton

Al Qaeda has released a record number of messages this year through its
as-Sahab media arm, threatening attacks in a variety of places. In fact, it
would appear that al Qaeda leaders have threatened jihadist operations in
more places than the organization -- even through its regional affiliates
and grassroots sympathizers -- may be capable of hitting. 

Viewed in proper perspective, meaning neither ignored by blase analysts nor
magnified by the media or public, these messages can convey many important
signals about the state of al Qaeda today. The volume trends alone are
interesting; in fact, we find them to be at least as significant as the
content of the messages from Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, if not
in some cases more so. 

The number of messages issued by bin Laden and al-Zawahiri have reached
record levels in 2006, and the total number of videos produced by as-Sahab
also has increased.

 



These volumes likely stem at least in part from changes in the way al Qaeda
chooses to broadcast its statements to the world. Whereas it once took the
considerable risks of smuggling tapes to commercial broadcasters such as Al
Jazeera, it now is uploading its own statements directly to the Web. These
methods give the organization greater control over when -- and how much of
-- its statements reach the public.

Obviously, the content of the messages is important, and is generally
broadcast around the world in fairly short order by mainstream news
organizations. So far this year, bin Laden and al-Zawahiri have threatened
the "Crusader-Zionist" alliance many times, and on one occasion added India
to the mix by threatening strikes against those perpetrating the
"Crusader-Zionist-Hindu" conspiracy against Muslims. The public statements
also have touched on a number of different locales -- from bin Laden's Jan.
19 recording that threatened attacks
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=261077>  in
the United States to calls to "establish jihad" in Iraq
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=265268> ,
Palestine, Afghanistan, Sudan, Kashmir, Chechnya, Sudan, Somalia, Pakistan
and Egypt. Al Qaeda leaders also have called for the overthrow of several
Muslim leaders, including Pakistani President Gen. Pervez Musharraf and
Afghan President Hamid Karzai. 

However, despite this flood of rhetoric, the number of attacks carried out
by al Qaeda or its affiliates has actually fallen on a year-by-year
comparison. By this time in 2005, there had been suicide bombings in Doha
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=246015> ,
Cairo <http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=247758>
, Sharm
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=252300>
el-Sheikh and London
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=251595> , a
second, unsuccessful
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=252166>
attack in London and a rocket attack in Aqaba
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=258376> ,
Jordan. To date in 2006, there has been a strike against the Abqaiq
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=262681>  oil
processing facility in Saudi Arabia (February), a car bomb attack near the
U.S. <http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=263000>
Consulate General in Karachi (March), and the tourist resort bombings in the
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=265992>  Sinai
(April). There does not appear to be a solid correlation between the number
of statements released and actions -- even when thwarted attacks, such as
the recently uncovered airliner plot in London, are accounted for. It also
is worth noting that all of these listed strikes and attempts involved al
Qaeda's regional affiliates or grassroots sympathizers, rather than
"all-star teams" such as the one deployed for the 9/11 attacks. 

Tellingly, it is not only the quantity of messages being produced by
as-Sahab that is rising, but the quality as well. As-Sahab is using
professional-grade gear and studio-quality lighting for its productions.
Even in-the-field footage captured in places like Afghanistan and Egypt
displays a professional level of post-production editing, crisp graphics
and, quite often, added subtitles in a second language. As any comparison to
popular clips at sites like YouTube or MySpace will show, as-Sahab videos
are not being produced by an amateur at home using a personal computer and a
cheap camcorder. 

Reading the Numbers

Both the numbers and the quality of the recordings being issued by al
Qaeda's apex leadership this year can be read as an indication of a growing
comfort level. The atmosphere is very different now than, for example, in
2002, when the organization's sanctuary in Afghanistan had been newly
disrupted and key figures were scattered, seeking new places of safety. At
this point, al Qaeda's leaders appear to feel safe and believe that issuing
greater volumes of recordings will not compromise their hiding places.

The comfort level seems most apparent with al-Zawahiri, who issues more
statements than does bin Laden and usually appears on video. Bin Laden has
not been seen on video since late October 2004 (though as-Sahab often places
his audio recordings into a video format, usually alongside a still photo of
the speaker). Many have speculated that his reluctance to appear on film
could be related to declining health; however, it also is possible that he
is in a more remote location than al-Zawahiri, where the appearance of a
camera or video crew might bring unwanted attention. Or perhaps both factors
are at work. Either way, there have been numerous indications over time that
bin Laden and al-Zawahiri are in separate
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=261604>
locations -- something that would be dictated by prudent operational
security, if nothing else. 

There are other notable differences between the messages of bin Laden and
those of al-Zawahiri, including time lags between dates of recording and
release. Three weeks generally appear to elapse between the recording and
distribution of bin Laden's audio tapes, whereas al-Zawahiri's videos take
only two. This too indicates that bin Laden is further removed from society
than is al-Zawahiri, or that the path taken from bin Laden to as-Sahab is
more convoluted for security reasons. Or, again, perhaps a combination of
both. 

Extending this line of thinking, common-sense security measures would
dictate not only separation between bin Laden and al-Zawahiri, but also
between the two men and as-Sahab's production facility. Al-Zawahiri seems to
be able to link up with the as-Sahab video crews more readily than bin Laden
-- and as-Sahab appears to be based in a location where technicians have
access to a professional video studio. Even if it is hidden in a large home
or warehouse, it still would require a reliable power supply and supplies of
other staples -- such as replacement bulbs for studio lights, modern
materials for the stylish sets featured in videos and access to a photo
studio capable of producing the very large, professional-looking images like
those in the backdrop of al-Zawahiri's July
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=272745>  27
video. 



The quality of the video messages speaks to something else as well. When
posted to the Internet, the files are very large -- so clearly, whoever is
doing so has a high-speed Internet connection. The general principle is that
the longer an upload takes, the greater the exposure of, and risk to, the
person doing the uploading. Also, because these files often are encoded in a
number of formats, with varying file sizes and quality, as-Sahab technicians
clearly are uploading numerous files with each video release. The risks
incurred increase every time they do so.

The obvious conclusion is that al Qaeda not only has high-speed Internet
connections, but competent, clandestine information technology support as
well. Given the large number of statements released this year, it is clear
that as-Sahab personnel are confident in the security of their channels --
and, indeed, there has been no major breach of their distribution system
since the possible compromise in January at Damadola
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=261359> . 

Finding the Balance

When al Qaeda first began publicly declaring its intentions of waging war
against the United States, most Americans were unaware of the statements --
and those who were tended to snicker at the hubris. Very few expected any
actual attempts by bin Laden or his companions to fulfill the threat. That
logic began to reverse as major operations -- such as the 1998 embassy
bombings in East Africa, the millennium bomb plot and the USS Cole strike --
were enacted, and the 9/11 attacks cemented al Qaeda's image as a serious
adversary. Now, most people assume that when al Qaeda makes a threat, there
will be sincere attempts to carry it out.

In fact, the psychological impact of the 9/11 attacks led to another
problem, exactly the opposite of the first: system overload. Shortly after
9/11, there were floods of erroneous reports that messages from bin Laden
and other leaders contained secret symbols and attack signals, or even
hidden steganographic
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=250741>  files
-- data that can be inserted into jpeg images or video files. Such
clandestine communication methods -- using hidden signals in mass media --
were useful during the World War and Cold War eras, but in the age of the
Internet and the "clone phone," these techniques not only are unnecessary,
but carry far more risk than prudence on al Qaeda's part would allow. 

What, then, is to be made of all these messages from al Qaeda leaders? As
usual, the truth lies somewhere between the extremes: The messages are
neither empty rhetoric nor secret attack instructions. Al Qaeda's recordings
genuinely convey the group's general intent and frequently serve as a window
into the leadership's mindset and philosophy. It is possible to determine
what the leaders believe is important and where they are focusing their
attention. However, the messages rarely contain precise threats against
specific targets. They are generalities, crafted with two audiences -- al
Qaeda's chosen enemies and potential allies -- in mind.

Through this lens, and with the aid of hindsight, it is easy to see a
correlation between al-Zawahiri's July 27 video and the thwarted London
plot. The general message that al Qaeda wanted to stage an attack to eclipse
9/11 -- even twice as large -- is not difficult to decipher. The more subtle
message that al Qaeda remains fixated on aircraft was also there. However,
there was nothing in the al-Zawahiri message that would have led to the
identification or compromise of the U.K. planes operation. It was a general
message, not a specific one. 

Given the volume of messages this year, it is clear that al Qaeda generally
remains interested in operating through regional affiliates and grassroots
sympathizers, and in encouraging strikes in the regions it has named.
However, with a few exceptions (such as oil
<http://www.stratfor.com/products/premium/read_article.php?id=259360>
infrastructure in the Middle East), the leadership has not named specific
targets. Therefore, we must assume that within these geographic areas, al
Qaeda will continue to adhere to its well-established target set: planes,
trains and hotels. 

>From al Qaeda's perspective, this is a tremendously effective strategy.
Recognizing that governments cannot protect everything -- or even the
limited target set that the leadership has named publicly -- there always
will be soft targets available. And if governments or the private sector
were to attempt to protect all imaginable targets within their spheres, the
principle of economic warfare still applies. Al Qaeda long has aspired to
cripple Western powers -- particularly the United States -- economically,
since it is from financial wealth that so many other forms of strength are
derived.
 
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