http://www.kashmirherald.com/main.php?t=OP
<http://www.kashmirherald.com/main.php?t=OP&st=D&no=166> &st=D&no=166
 
Northeast: Long Shadows of Subversion 
BIBHU PRASAD ROUTRAY 

The hunt for the terrorists involved in the Mumbai serial blasts of July 11
reverberated across the northeast with the arrest of a number of Islamist
militants. While many of these militants are not known to be directly linked
to the Mumbai incidents, there is sufficient evidence to suggest that they
represent tiny threads of a larger network that aims to destabilise the
country. 
On July 19, a confidential official order directed Police Stations and
outposts in seven Districts of Assam: Cachar, Karimganj, Hailakandi, Dhubri,
Barpeta, Darrang and Sonitpur, to prepare a list of persons suspected to
have links with fundamentalist groups, including the Students Islamic
Movement of India (SIMI). The order specifically asked for information on
former SIMI cadres, who had 'quit' the organisation after it was banned on
September 27, 2001. Interestingly, police appears to have only anecdotal
information on about 5,000 SIMI activists, who have simply disappeared
following the organisation's proscription. The chief of SIMI's Guwahati
unit, Mohammed Taher, for instance, who used to stay in a rented
accommodation in the city's Hedayetpur area and went missing after the
Government banned the group, is reportedly hiding in the Barak Valley. 
The orders come in the wake of intelligence inputs regarding the threat of
Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) modules planning to detonate several explosions
targeting the rail networks in the State. Specifically, Rangia, Bongaigaon,
Tinsukia and Lumding railway stations have been put on a month's alert since
July 17. The fact that arrests of Islamist extremists also took place at
roughly the same time, adds greater significance to such inputs. On July 16,
two SIMI activists, Mohammad Hussain Ali and Mohammad Yasin Nuri, were
arrested from Fakiragram in Kokrajhar District, and a revolver and four
rounds of live ammunition were recovered from them. A day later, on July 17,
the Guwahati city Police arrested Nurul Islam, a leader of the Muslim United
Liberation Tigers of Assam (MULTA) from Ambari locality. Police sources
maintained that the arrested MULTA leader was the camp commander of the
outfit's training camp in Bangladesh and he was hiding in the city in the
guise of a rickshaw puller for the past three years. MULTA is known to have
maintained at least two camps in the Chittagong and Cox's Bazar Districts of
Bangladesh for the past several years. 
On July 18, Imamuddin Ahmed, a 45-year old cleric in a madrassa (seminary)
in Chaulkhowa in Dibrugarh District, a practising quack, and also a
suspected SIMI cadre, was arrested by Army personnel. 600 grams of 'brown
sugar' worth INR 800,000 (about US$ 17,500) and some incriminating documents
relating to SIMI activities were found in his possession. Army sources
stated, "We have specific inputs that Ahmed was born in Bangladesh and came
to Manipur in 1994, where he established and nurtured the SIMI network.
After that, he came to Dibrugarh and has since been working as the chief
co-ordinator of SIMI for the two states (Assam and Manipur)." 
Again, on July 18, five persons, all Muslims, claiming to have hailed from
Bihar and Orissa and posing as Army recruitment agents, were picked up from
two hotels in Guwahati's Paltan Bazar area. They were found to have checked
in to the Hotel under fictitious Hindu identities. During their
interrogations it was revealed that they had visited the renowned Kamakhya
temple in Guwahati twice in the preceding week. Two electronic toys, with
their internal wires removed, were recovered from them, leading the
investigators to suspect that the toys were to be used as bombs after being
primed with explosives. 
Sustained attempts at consolidation by Islamist militant groups in Assam
have repeatedly failed over the years. Even though 14 Islamist organisations
are said to be operating in the State with active assistance from Pakistan's
Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) and the Bangladeshi Directorate General of
Forces Intelligence (DGFI), the State police has maintained that it is
capable of neutralizing their activities. However, past capabilities might
prove a handicap in future. Assam, which witnessed the growth of Islamist
political parties in the April 2006 Assembly elections, might see a spurt of
Islamist extremism. In that eventuality, Muslim majority Districts such as
Dhubri, Goalpara, Barpeta, Nagaon, Karimganj and Hailakandi, in addition to
Districts with substantial Muslim populations, such as Cachar, Marigaon and
Darrang, would pose serious problems for the security establishment. 
The Mumbai blasts have brought further focus on the hidden processes of
Islamist consolidation in other States of the northeast. In the first such
case in the State, ten militants of the People's United Liberation Front
(PULF) were arrested from the commercial town of Dimapur in Nagaland on July
19. The group operates in neighbouring Manipur. Their arrest from Dimapur, a
town which, over the years, has witnessed a massive influx of Bangladeshi
Muslim migrants (a 2004 estimate put their figures at 200,000), could be a
pointer towards the unmonitored Islamist mobilisation that has escaped the
attention of the security establishment. Little is known of the vast and
isolated areas the Bangladeshi migrants have now come to occupy in Nagaland,
and the linkages they may have developed with local and regional militant
groups, or the support structure they provide to activities of covert
agencies like the ISI. Some elements among the Bangladeshis in areas like
Dimapur and Niuland have, thus far, been seen as mere criminals and trouble
makers. Highly publicised, yet miserably unsuccessful, 'oust-Bangladeshis
campaigns' have been launched by local organisations after the migrants have
been involved in criminal activities such as theft and rape. Intelligence
and enforcement agencies are now increasingly concerned about the potential
of subversive alliances within such constituencies. Little, however, appears
to have been learned from incidents like the October 2, 2004, twin blasts
that rocked Dimapur, claiming 27 lives. 
In Tripura, on July 14, three days after the Mumbai blasts, police arrested
11 Muslim youth from a mosque in the border village of Sonarai in Dhalai
District. The youth hailed from Mumbra town in the Thane District of
Maharashtra, located a hundred kilometres from Mumbai. Two days later, on
July 16, another eight young Gujarati 'preachers' were arrested from a
mosque in Udaipur, headquarters of Tripura's South District. All of the
arrested persons were later confirmed to be members of the Tablighi Jamaat
(TJ, the Arabic name denotes a Group that propagates the Faith), and were
released on July 19 after investigations, even though three of the persons
detained admitted to a SIMI past. 
In spite of the clean chit given to the detainees, it is the case that the
TJ, formed in the 1920s by Muhammad Ilyas in the Mewat area of India (now in
the State of Haryana), with an explicit agenda of proselytisation, is known
to have hobnobbed with the militant groups worldwide. Though the
organisation publicly rejects terrorism and seeks to distance itself from
various Islamist militant groups, TJ members have often been recruited by
terrorist groups in Pakistan, Bangladesh and India. Experts believe that the
TJ has worked as a catalyst for Islamist extremism, creating the mindsets
that lend themselves to subsequent recruitment by more radical groupings.
With an extremely successful outreach programme, the TJ has, over the years,
managed to secure a significant presence in countries including Pakistan,
India, Bangladesh, the United States, Chechnya, Saudi Arabia and Jordan.
Incidentally, the United States had put the TJ under a scanner following the
9/11 attacks with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) indicating that
the al Qaeda had used the TJ in the United States for recruitment of cadres.
In Pakistan the TJ is known to maintain links with the LeT and the
Harkat-ul-Mujahideen (HuM). The TJ was also involved in a failed
assassination attempt on former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and senior
army officials in September-October 1995. A large number of Pakistani, Saudi
and Jordanian TJ activists were provided arms training in HuM and LeT camps
in Pakistan and Afghanistan. The possibility of the TJ bringing these
linkages into Tripura, a State enveloped by Bangladesh from three sides, at
some point in the future, cannot be ruled out. 
The shadows of subversion appear to be strengthening over other States, such
as Meghalaya and Manipur, as well. While Meghalaya, with an extended and
porous border with Bangladesh, provides points of ingress and egress, the
interior States, such as Manipur, have been gradually turning into areas of
Islamist consolidation and potential loci of future flare-ups. The arrested
MULTA 'camp commander', Nurul Islam, during his interrogation at Guwahati,
disclosed that a group of 15 to 20 MULTA cadres had used Meghalaya's capital
Shillong and Lad Rymbai in the Jaintia Hills, as their hideouts during their
journeys to and from Bangladesh. 
Bangladeshi migration has emerged as a serious issue in Manipur. In late
April 2003, Bangladeshi immigrants in the Jiribam Sub-division of Imphal
East District teamed up with the Islamist PULF, to avenge the death of an
illegal migrant, hounding out 300 Bengali Hindus from their villages.
According to sources, of late, subtle ISI activities are being noticed in
various places, including capital Imphal and Moreh. 
Given its geographical location, the hostile terrain, porous and unmanaged
borders with Bangladesh, administrative apathy and political myopia that the
Northeast is enmeshed in, the forces of destabilisation will always find
opportunities to organise themselves, plan and execute attacks. There is
substantial cumulative evidence of incessant efforts of subversion in the
region, and an urgent need to establish a strategy and mechanism to
continuously assess, monitor and neutralise such threats as they emerge. 

The writer is a Research Fellow at Institute for Conflict Management, New
Delhi, India 


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