Please find below an example of UPI's continuing coverage of the U.S.
war on terrorism and al-Qaida. It is the third, much-delayed, part of a
three-part series. You may link to it on the Web here:

http://www.upi.com/inc/view.php?StoryID=20061011-013827-8289r

Links to parts one and two are at the bottom.

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Shaun Waterman
UPI Homeland and National Security Editor
E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Tel: 202 898 8081
Web-page: http://homeland-hack.blogspot.com/

NATO following Pakistan's lead on tribal sanctuary deals
By SHAUN WATERMAN
UPI Homeland and National Security Editor

WASHINGTON, Oct. 11 (UPI) -- More than a month after Pakistan inked a
peace deal with local leaders in the restive tribal region straddling
its frontier with Afghanistan, some NATO troops are trying the same
tactic on their side of the border, redeploying to barracks and relying
on tribal militias to keep Taliban insurgents in check. 

The truces are part of a new "hearts and minds" strategy on both sides
of the border, as coalition and Pakistani authorities attempt to engage
local tribal leaders and woo them away from Taliban extremists. 

But the NATO deal, in four northern districts of Helmand province, comes
as evidence mounts that the Pakistani truce in Waziristan has failed to
reduce cross-border infiltration by Taliban fighters looking to engage
coalition troops in Afghanistan. 

"The news is bad," said one Senate staffer following the issue, citing
recent media reports that the U.S. military had seen a trebling of
attacks on the Afghan side of the border. 

"It is clear that the Taliban is not negotiating (with Pakistani
authorities) to end the conflict, but to increase their leverage in the
conflict," Husain Haqqani, director of the Center for International
Relations at Boston University, told United Press International. 

Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf insists that his deal, inked Sept.
5 between government officials and local figures described as tribal
elders, mujahedin, students and Islamic scholars, is not with the
Taliban, but it has been endorsed by Taliban military commanders in TV
interviews. 

Citing reports about the hasty closure of a Taliban office opened soon
after the deal in Miran Shah, the capital of North Waziristan,
Congressional Research Service analyst Alan Kronstadt told UPI that the
Pakistani government had "a sensitivity to any signs that the Taliban
are openly running an administrative infrastructure" there. 

Nonetheless, questions about the peace agreement -- and the squabbling
about the broader issue of cross-border security with his Afghan
counterpart Hamid Karzai -- overshadowed Musharraf's recent visit to the
United States. 

The diplomatic deal strung together between the two leaders at the state
dinner in Washington -- a tribal councils known as a Loya Jirga will be
convened on each side of the border before the year's end to try and
chart a way forward -- is a classic exercise in kicking the can down the
road, say critics. 

Noted reporter and analyst Ahmed Rashid reported from Kabul last week
that several cabinet ministers there were already warning that the loya
jirga would be "manipulated by Islamabad for its own ends." 

Some experts fear that U.S. policy in the region -- blinded by a total
reliance on Musharraf and hamstrung by commitments of resources and
attention elsewhere -- risks allowing the creation of a sanctuary where
Islamic militants, perhaps including the senior leadership of al-Qaida,
can use the fast-approaching winter months to re-group, and plan and
train for new attacks, not just in Afghanistan, but in the United States
or Europe too. 

Afghan officials last week told reporters in Kabul that many of the 17
would-be suicide bombers they had recently apprehended had been trained
in a camp near Data Khel in North Waziristan. 

In the longer term, too, a viable security strategy for the border area,
the never-tamed mountain fastness that is the home of fiercely
independent Pashtun and other tribesmen, is seen as crucial for U.S.
security. 

"Until we transform the tribal belt, the United States is at risk,"
Barnett Rubin, of the Council on Foreign Relations, told a recent
congressional hearing. 

Counter insurgency strategists say it makes sense to try and win over
tribal forces who might otherwise be recruited by the Taliban. 

"The effort to engage the Taliban's tribal base makes sense," said
Haqqani, "if at the same time you are degrading the ideological
leadership through a military campaign." 

The British general in command of NATO's forces in Afghanistan told The
London Times at the weekend that he was withdrawing his troops from
their remote fire-bases in four districts of Helmand province, part of
the Taliban's southern Afghan heartland and across the border from
Pakistan's restive Baluchistan, where the recent killing of a separatist
leader has roiled local sentiment. 

The paper reported that the deal followed a personal plea to Karzai by a
delegation of tribal elders, who pledged that if allowed to appoint
their own police chief and district officials, they would keep out
Taliban militants. 

According to The Times, the four northern districts of Sangin, Musa
Qala, Nawzad and Kajaki will be guarded by new auxiliary militias made
up of local tribesmen and paid by the coalition. 

"These are the same people who two weeks ago would have been vulnerable
to be recruited as Taliban fighters," it quoted Richards as saying. 

Last week, GOP Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist, R-Tenn., told a
reporter traveling with him in Afghanistan that some of the "people who
call themselves Taliban" needed to be brought into the structures of
government in Afghanistan. 

Spokeswoman Amy Hall later clarified that he did not mean "Taliban
fighters," but rather "tribes often targeted by Taliban recruitment." 

Haqqani said there is not enough information in the public domain yet
about the local leaders who signed the NATO deal in Helmand to make an
assessment. 

But the Pakistani truce in Waziristan, where border and internal
checkpoints are manned by one of four different kinds of local
constabulary or militia, is not an encouraging precedent. 

Kronstadt said the U.S. military was monitoring the Waziristan situation
closely. "There is concern about the capabilities of some of these
militias," he said. "Some of them are just local boys," lightly armed,
and may be unwilling to take on much better equipped and trained Taliban
units. 

Haqqani said the problem was that one end of the strategy was missing --
Pakistan was not engaging the Taliban's hard-core leadership militarily.
"The deal (in Waziristan) keeps the ideological leadership intact," he
said, adding that Musharraf's strategy was to "rely on the tribal
leaders to keep it under control." 

Both he and Kronstadt also pointed out that the traditional tribal power
structures in the area had been undermined and infiltrated for 20 years
by the constant presence of armed Islamic extremists. 

"You can't just turn the clock back and hand power back to the tribal
leaders," said Kronstadt. "Rural society is much more religiously
conservative than it was" before the mujahedin came, said Haqqani.
Karzai told reporters last week that 150 non-religious traditional
leaders had been killed in North Waziristan recently. "The traditional
secular Pashtun leadership of Pakistan has been undermined
systematically and violently," he said.

(c) Copyright 2006 United Press International, Inc. All Rights Reserved

Part one is here:
http://www.upi.com/inc/view.php?StoryID=20060918-114833-9364r 
and part two here:
http://www.upi.com/inc/view.php?StoryID=20060921-031251-1511r


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