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A Tragedy of Errors

Frank Gaffney | November 13, 2006

The mistakes that led to last week's elections - and the errors that seem
likely to flow from them - would be hysterically funny if they weren't so
deadly serious.  Under different circumstances (say, in a novel or a play),
the script might be described as a comedy of errors.  Unfortunately, this is
no work of fiction.  It amounts to a tragedy of errors, one which, if left
to run its course, will afflict this country and its people for years to
come. 

For starters, the Bush Administration made an inexplicable and tragic
mistake with respect to its campaign management of the Iraq issue.  It was
predictable that the election would be heavily influenced by public
discontent over the prospects for that conflict.  Yet, neither the President
nor his surrogates mounted a robust and sustained challenge to what amounted
to an endlessly repeated "Big Lie" - namely, that the "war in Iraq" was an
elective and unnecessary one, launched on the false pretense of weapons of
mass destruction (WMDs) that did not, in fact, exist and, therefore, in the
absence of any real threat to this country.

Typically, proponents of this line relied upon the findings of the Iraq
Survey Group (not to be confused with the Iraq Study Group, about which more
will be said in a moment).  Altogether lost amidst the much-ballyhooed
headlines that the Survey Group discovered "No WMDs" was its uncovering of
an inconvenient fact:  At the time of the U.S.-led invasion in 2003, Saddam
Hussein had active, albeit low-level, production lines for both chemical and
biological agents.  He also had plans to ramp up such production once
sanctions were lifted - a prospect that was prevented only by the Iraqi
tyrant's forcible overthrow.  

Worse still, according to the Iraq Survey Group, Saddam's planning
envisioned placing toxic chemical and biological agents in aerosol cans and
perfume sprayers for shipment to the United States and Europe.  Simply put,
the Iraqi dictator had in mind precisely what President Bush was worried
about - and preemptively acted to prevent: the use of WMD in terrorist
attacks against the U.S. and other freedom-loving nations.  In the absence
of such information, the American people were understandably susceptible to
arguments that it was unnecessary to liberate Iraq.

A second error flowed from the first:  Iraq was widely portrayed in the 2006
campaign as an isolated event, unrelated to a wider, indeed global, war for
the Free World.  Although President Bush personally challenged this
assumption - as did, to varying degrees, members of his senior team, the
election ultimately was defined, and its outcome determined, by those who
believed the United States could safely abandon the Iraqi people.  The only
real question was a disagreement between advocates of immediate U.S.
surrender and champions of a slower retreat under some sort of political
cover.  

The Administration's inability to argue more effectively that the stakes
preclude both of these options seems to have reflected yet another error:
the growing influence in its ranks of those like former Secretary of State
James Baker and the bipartisan Iraq Study Group he co-chairs with former
Rep. Lee Hamilton.  These establishment foreign policy types claim to be
"realists" - yet they advocate prescriptions that have no realistic chance
whatsoever of durable success.  

Most especially, Messrs. Baker, Hamilton and - until recently - Robert
Gates, the man President Bush nominated last week to replace Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld, believe that the United States can and should
negotiate with terrorists, like the Iranian and Syrian regimes, over the
future of Iraq.  They are even prepared to argue that Israel's security must
be further eroded in order to lubricate this fool's-errand.

These flawed judgments, like that involved in dispatching in the face of the
enemy the much-maligned Rumsfeld, has compounded the dangers we face, not
alleviated them.  One need look no further than the public exultation of al
Qaeda in Iraq and the mullahocracy in Tehran at the perceived rejection at
the polls of Mr. Bush's approach, the ascendancy of Democrats determined to
effect "strategic redeployments" from Iraqi soil and Don Rumsfeld's
departure.  

Another straw in the wind is the continuing disregard about the implications
of a U.S. collapse in Iraq (with or without the Baker et.al. diplomatic
fig-leaf) for our security here at home.  

The United States is surely at no less risk of violence at the hands of
Islamofascist operatives than is Great Britain.  The latter's vulnerable
posture was chillingly described last week by Dame Eliza Manningham Buller,
head of Britain's domestic intelligence unit, MI5.  She said her agency was
monitoring roughly 30 active terrorist plots involving some 200 groups with
over 1600 adherents.  Dame Eliza described the threat as "serious" and
"growing" and warned that future attacks may involve "chemicals,
bacteriological agents, radioactive materials or even nuclear technology." 

Yet, in this country, the President is evidently heeding the council of
defeatists.  The FBI (among other agencies) is consorting with, and singing
the praises of, deeply problematic Islamist organizations like the Council
on American-Islamic Relations.  And incoming House Speaker Nancy Pelosi is
showing her true colors - and her disdain for the moderate and conservative
Democrats whose victory gave her the chamber's gavel - by favoring the
darling of the anti-war left, Jack Murtha, over Stenny Hoyer for Majority
Leader, and the radical, anti-military and once-impeached judge Alcee
Hastings over Jane Harman for chairman of the House Intelligence Committee.

If the implications of these cumulative errors were not so grave, they would
be hilarious.  But this tragedy of errors is no laughing matter.



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