Count on the CFR to spin positively whatever anti-American threat
exists.incredible ignorance or deliberate treason.  


Bruce


Ahmadinejad is no Hitler


The world's most rash leaders can be contained, and the nuclear-ambitious
Iranian president is no exception.

 
<http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/opinion/la-op-takeyh19nov19,1,2681
597.story?coll=la-news-comment>
http://www.latimes.com/news/printedition/opinion/la-op-takeyh19nov19,1,26815
97.story?coll=la-news-comment

By Ray Takeyh, RAY TAKEYH is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign
Relations and the author of "Hidden Iran: Paradox and Power in the Islamic
Republic."
November 19, 2006 

 

IF YOU THINK IRANIAN PRESIDENT Mahmoud Ahmadinejad makes outlandish
comments, consider what Mao Tse-tung said to a visiting head of state in
1954: "If someone else can drop an atomic bomb, then I can too. The death of
10 or 20 million people is nothing to be afraid of." 

Nonetheless, 15 years later, a nuclear-armed China was not only contained by
the world, it opted for normalization of relations with its archenemy, the
United States. Today, it is fashionable to equate Ahmadinejad with Hitler,
yet the lesson of the 20th century is that rash leaders can, in fact, be
deterred. And Iran's president will prove no exception. 

Remember that Ahmadinejad's comments are not even unique in the context of
Iranian discourse. In 2001, the former Iranian president and putative
moderate, Hashemi Rafsanjani, declared that although Israel would be
destroyed by an atomic bomb, the Islamic world would only be damaged by one
and therefore "such a scenario is not inconceivable." Nevertheless, four
years later, when Rafsanjani was running for president, Washington and its
European allies were eagerly hoping that he would win. 

Ahmadinejad is considered nutty in the United States because of his denial
of the Holocaust - but that's nothing new in the Islamic Republic either.
The foremost ruler of the country, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has declared:
"There are documents showing close collaboration of Zionists with Nazi
Germany, and exaggerated numbers relating to the Jewish Holocaust were
fabricated to lay the groundwork for the occupation of Palestine and to
justify the atrocities of the Zionists." Yet today, it is quietly hoped in
Washington that Khamenei will be the one to restrain the intemperate
Ahmadinejad.

All this suggests that in dealing with Iran, American officials have
historically discounted its bluster and paid attention to its actual
conduct. And they were right to do so. Khamenei and Rafsanjani, despite
their irresponsible assertions and pernicious support for a variety of
terrorist organizations, have pursued a relatively pragmatic foreign policy
that has sought to eschew direct confrontation with the U.S. and Israel. 

Ahmadinejad's behavior suggests continuity with his predecessors: incendiary
rhetoric and restrained conduct.

The fact is that today, unlike the 1980s, Iran is not challenging the
legitimacy of the region's political order or calling for the overthrow of
regimes in places such as Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Tehran's support for
groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas is not an Ahmadinejad innovation but a
long-standing Iranian policy.

To be sure, Iran is intervening in Iraq and arming various Shiite militias -
but such conduct is designed not to export Iran's model of governance but to
prevent the rise of a state dominated by Sunni elites whose pan-Arab
aspirations have in the past led to tense relations, and even war, with
Iran. Tehran has no delusions that the Shiites of Iraq will subordinate
their communal interest to Iran's national ambitions, but it does hope that
a Shiite-dominated regime will provide it with a suitable interlocutor.

Even the nuclear issue has to be viewed in the context of continuity rather
than change. The decision to resume the nuclear program after a long period
of suspension was taken not by Ahmadinejad but by the reformist government
of Mohammad Khatami before leaving office in 2005. What's more, Iran's
pursuit of the bomb has less to do with the destruction of Israel than with
deterring a United States that has invaded two states that border Iran in
the last five years. This is a moment of heightened tension between the U.S.
and Iran, with the Bush administration routinely calling for a change of
regime in Tehran, so perhaps it's not so surprising that the Islamic
Republic feels it requires a deterrent capability to ensure both regime
survival and territorial integrity. 



So then, why has Ahmadinejad persisted in his contemptible denials of the
Holocaust and his repeated calls for the eradication of Israel if, in fact,
they are more bluster than anything else? As a cagey politician, Ahmadinejad
appreciates that his incendiary denunciations actually enhance his
popularity in the Middle East. The carnage in Iraq, the failure to broker a
peace between Israel and the Palestinians and the Arab rulers' inability to
stand up to Washington have generated a popular clamor for a politician
willing to defy the U.S. and Israel. 

Ahmadinejad has taken on that role, successfully capturing the imagination
of a region prone to rely on conspiracies to explain its predicament. In
this context, his persistent religious exhortations are designed not to
prepare the path for the return of the Hidden Imam - the Messiah-like figure
of Shiite Islam who some believe will reappear in a period of global war,
chaos and bloodshed - but to advance himself and the cause of Iranian
influence. 

It is a peculiar American fascination to continually look for the next
Hitler. Josef Stalin, Mao, Ho Chi Minh and even Saddam Hussein were all
touted at one time or another as Hitler incarnate. Ahmadinejad is simply the
latest figure to be contemplated for that role. Evidently, many in
Washington simply cannot grasp the fact that Hitler was a uniquely evil
politician and that he is in fact dead. The United States - the country that
won the Cold War and contained its adversaries - should be able to deter a
second-rate power with an intemperate leader. 

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