http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/12/13/opinion/edcord.php
<http://www.iht.com/articles/2006/12/13/opinion/edcord.php>


One war we can still win


Anthony H. Cordesman
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Published: 2006-12-13 10:12:30



WASHINGTON: No one can return from visiting the front in Afghanistan
without realizing there is a very real risk that the United States and
NATO will lose their war with Al Qaeda, the Taliban and the other
Islamist movements fighting the Afghan government.

Declassified intelligence made available during my recent trip there
showed that major Qaeda, Taliban, Haqqani Network and Hezb-i-Islami
sanctuaries exist in Pakistan, and that the areas they operate in within
Afghanistan have increased fourfold over the last year.

Indeed, a great many unhappy trends have picked up speed lately: United
States intelligence experts in Afghanistan report that suicide attacks
rose from 18 in the first 11 months of 2005 to 116 in the first 11
months of 2006. Direct fire attacks went up from 1,347 to 3,824 during
the same period; improvised explosive devices from 530 to 1,297 and
other attacks from 269 to 479.

The number of attacks on Afghan forces increased from 713 to 2,892,
attacks on coalition forces from 919 to 2,496 and attacks on Afghan
government officials are 2.5 times what they were.

Only the extensive use of American precision air power and intelligence
assets has allowed the United States to win this year's battles in the
east. In the south, Britain has been unable to prevent a major increase
in the Taliban's presence.

The challenges in Afghanistan, however, are very different from those in
Iraq. Popular support for the U.S. and NATO teams has been strong and
can be rebuilt. The teams have created core programs for strengthening
governance, the economy and the Afghan military and police forces, and
with sufficient resources the programs can succeed.

The present U.S. aid efforts are largely sound and well managed, and
they can make immediate and effective use of more money.

The Islamist threat is weak, but it is growing in strength —
political as well as military. The Afghan government will take years to
become effective, reduce corruption to acceptable levels and replace a
narcotics-based economy.

No matter what the outside world does, Afghans, the U.S. team and NATO
representatives all agree that change will take time. The present
central government is at least two or three years away from providing
the presence and services Afghans desperately need.

The U.S. and NATO focus on democracy and the political process in Kabul
— rather than on the quality of governance and on services — has
left many areas angry and open to hostile influence.

Afghanistan is going to need large amounts of military and economic aid,
much of it managed from the outside in ways that ensure it actually gets
to Afghans, particularly in the areas where the threat is greatest.

This means the United States needs to make major increases in its
economic aid, as do its NATO allies.

These increases need to be made immediately if new projects and
meaningful actions are to begin in the field by the end of winter, when
the Islamists typically launch new offensives.

At least such programs are cheap by the standards of aid to Iraq. The
projects needed are simple ones that Afghans can largely carry out
themselves. People need roads and water, and to a lesser degree schools
and medical services. They need emergency aid to meet local needs and
win hearts and minds.

The maps of actual and proposed projects make it clear that while
progress is real, it covers only a small part of the country.

Even a short visit to some of the districts in the southeast, near the
border with Pakistan, suggests that most areas have not seen any
progress.

Drought adds to the problem, much of the old irrigation system has
collapsed, and roads are little more than paths. The central government
cannot offer hope, and local officials and the police cannot compete
with drug loans and income.

The United States has grossly underfinanced such economic aid efforts
and left far too much of the country without visible aid activity.

State Department plans call for a $2.3 billion program, but unless at
least $1.1 billion comes immediately, aid will lag far behind need next
year. Additionally, a generous five-year aid plan from both the United
States and NATO is needed for continuity and effectiveness.

The United States is carrying far too much of the burden, and NATO
allies, particularly France, Germany, Italy and Spain, are falling
short: Major aid increases are needed from each.

And U.S. military forces are too small to do the job. Competing demands
in Iraq have led to a climate in which American troops plan for what
they can get — not what they need.

The 10th Mountain Division, which is responsible for eastern
Afghanistan, has asked for one more infantry brigade. This badly
understates need. If the United States is to hold and build as well as
win, it needs at least two more infantry battalions and increases in
Special Forces.

The NATO allies must provide stronger and better- equipped forces that
will join the fight and go where they are most needed. The British fight
well but have only 50 to 75 percent of the forces they need. Canadians,
Danes, Estonians, Dutch and Romanians are in the fight. The Poles lack
adequate equipment but are willing to fight.

France, Italy, Germany, Spain and Turkey are not allowed to fight
because of political constraints. Only French Special Forces have played
any role in combat and they depart in January. NATO cannot win with
politically constrained forces. It must put pressure on the stand-aside
countries to join the fight.

Finally, the United States and NATO have repeated the same mistakes that
were made in Iraq in developing effective Afghan army and police forces
— rushing unready forces into combat.

The manning of key Afghan army battalions is sometimes below 25 percent
and the police units are often unpaid. Corruption and pay problems are
still endemic, equipment and facilities inadequate. Overall financing
has been about 20 percent of the real- world requirement. Talks with
Afghan and NATO officials made it brutally clear that the Germans wasted
years trying to create a conventional police force rather than the mix
of paramilitary and local police forces Afghanistan really needs.

The good news is that there is a new realism in the U.S. and NATO
effort. The planning, training and much of the necessary base has been
built up during the last year. There are effective plans in place, along
with the staffs to help put them into effect.

The bad news is the same crippling lack of resources that affect every
part of the U.S. and NATO efforts also affect the development of the
Afghan Army and police.

It was obvious during a visit to one older Afghan Army battalion that it
had less than a quarter of its authorized manpower, and only one man in
five was expected to re-enlist. At one police unit, where policemen were
supposed to be paid quarterly, they were sometimes not paid at all,
leaving them no choice but to extort a living.

The United States team has made an urgent request for $5.9 billion in
extra money this fiscal year, which probably underestimates immediate
need and in any event must be followed by an integrated long-term
economic aid plan. And the NATO countries must make major increases in
aid as well.

In Iraq, the failure of the United States and the allies to honestly
assess problems in the field, be realistic about needs, create effective
long-term aid and force-development plans, and emphasize governance over
services may well have brought defeat. The United States and its allies
cannot afford to lose two wars. If they do not act now, they will.

Anthony H. Cordesman is a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and
International Studies.





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