http://www.jamestown.org/terrorism/news/article.php?articleid=2370234

Hizb-ut-Tahrir's Growing Appeal in the Arab World

By James Brandon

Hizb-ut-Tahrir (or Hizb al-Tahrir) is an ostensibly non-violent Islamic
political movement dedicated to the recreation of a global caliphate.
Although founded in Jordanian-ruled Jerusalem in 1953, it has traditionally
been strongest in Europe and Central Asia. Today, however, it is becoming
increasingly popular in the Arab world [1]. Hizb-ut-Tahrir (HT) works
covertly to convince Muslims to overthrow their present governments
peacefully and establish a worldwide caliphate, which will then impose
conservative Islam over all Muslim majority countries. Once this is
accomplished, HT hopes that the caliphate will make the whole world Islamic
through conversion in the first instance and, as a last resort, offensive
jihads against all non-Muslim states. HT is highly organized and has
national leaderships as well as an overall leader, Abu Rashta, who lives in
secret in Lebanon. The group says that it will take power peacefully by
persuading influential members of the elite to overthrow the government. The
organization is illegal in all Arab countries except for Lebanon, Yemen and
the UAE where it is tolerated. The group does not believe in using either
elections or violence to take power and there is no evidence that HT members
have carried out any attacks in the Arab world. There is mounting evidence,
however, that HT is growing in popularity in the Arab world.

Evidence of Growing Popularity

Throughout the fall of 2006, an apparently unprecedented spate of HT
campaigns and related arrests took place throughout the Arab world,
suggesting that the group could become an increasingly important factor in
Islamic politics in the region. In the last two years, HT has slowly become
more visible in Palestine. In August, several thousand members of HT marched
through central Hebron on the anniversary of the dissolution of the
caliphate [2]. On October 27, several hundred members demonstrated on the
Temple Mount to call for the recreation of the caliphate (Arutz Sheva,
November 14). In Morocco, the largest-ever arrests and trials of HT members
occurred on October 3. In September, 14 members of HT were jailed after
being arrested in Meknes, Casablanca and Tetouan [3]. The convicted men were
mostly well-educated, engineering graduates who had studied in Europe. They
were given short sentences for forming unauthorized associations and
receiving money from abroad (Maroc Hebdo International, October 6).

In Zanzibar, HT members launched a massive new publicity campaign.
Overnight, the group's estimated 3,000 members on the predominately Muslim
archipelago plastered the region's towns with posters arguing that a
caliphate would stop the islands' Islamic culture from being corrupted by
Western tourists (al-Jazeera, October 31). No arrests were reported. In
Jordan, HT appears to have found its greatest opportunities. Senior
Jordanian members of the party claim to have gained numerous recruits in
senior positions in the army and government, while they also enjoy growing
support among the Amman intelligentsia. Numerous arrests have taken place
and around 40 HT members are believed to be in prison [4].

In Lebanon, there is increasing evidence that HT stepped up its activities
after the government legalized the group in May. Anecdotal evidence suggests
that HT is becoming especially popular among Palestinian refugees (for
example, in the Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp), in Sidon and in Sunni areas
around Tripoli. Lebanese Interior Minister Ahmad Fatfat, however, warned
that he would take action against any HT members who were planning violent
actions or threatening the state's security (al-Balad, October 17). In
Syria, HT's popularity is harder to measure. Since the late 1990s, however,
there has been a steady stream of arrests of HT members [5]. The Syrian
government treats HT members as it does members of the Muslim Brotherhood,
trying them in State Security Courts and sentencing them to long prison
terms. In other repressive Arab countries, HT's underground following is
harder to estimate; members have been arrested in 2006 in Egypt, Sudan and
Tunisia.

Trends Collide

HT's growing popularity is partly due to its increasingly organized and
media-savvy leadership, and partly because in many Arab countries a series
of local and global factors have combined to increase HT's appeal. In
Palestine, the movement's growth reflects dissatisfaction with the policies
of the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas. While Hamas has thwarted certain
Israeli policies, it has publicly failed to rejuvenate Palestinian society,
repair the economy or reverse the constant deterioration of education,
infrastructure and healthcare. In Jordan, dissatisfaction with the country's
Westernizing monarchy is increasing. However, the main Islamist opposition
group, the Muslim Brotherhood Islamic Action Party, is dominated by
Palestinian refugees and has been linked to alleged attempts by Hamas to
carry out attacks in the kingdom. HT allows Palestinians and native
Jordanians to work together to address their common problems, while its
non-violent approach has obvious appeal following several al-Qaeda attacks
that killed mainly Muslims.

In other countries like Syria, Lebanon, Libya and Tunisia, HT presents
itself as a religious alternative to existing regimes as well as a way to
overcome ethnic and sectarian tensions. In addition, HT offers an attractive
alternative to the many Arabs who, although increasingly observant, are also
uneasy with the willingness of Salafi or Muslim Brotherhood-influenced
jihadis to kill innocent Muslims during anti-Western operations.

The idea of reviving the caliphate has also been given a boost by Osama bin
Laden, who has publicized neo-caliphate concepts. Al-Qaeda's actions have
demonstrated how Muslims can unite to defend the ummah. Caliphatist dreams
have also been lent new credibility by the expanding and increasingly
interlinked Islamist insurgencies in Iraq, Afghanistan, Somalia and
elsewhere that might, if successful, someday unite to form a caliphate-like
alliance-just as elements in Algeria's GSPC have recognized Mullah Omar as
caliph. While al-Qaeda at present offers little beyond the nihilistic
policies of perpetual opposition, HT presents the caliphate as a viable
solution to the Muslim world's problems. Al-Qaeda focuses almost entirely on
its military struggle to defeat the enemies of Islam. In contrast, HT has
published detailed plans for the organization of the economy, society and
structure of the caliphate that they aim to establish [6]. In addition, HT
plays down Sunni-Shiite divisions, claiming to accept Shiites as party
members without reservation. This stance is likely to become more attractive
if sectarian conflict in Iraq continues to worsen, giving new credence to
HT's argument that Western powers deliberately exploit Sunni-Shiite rivalry
to divide the Muslim world.

The internet has allowed HT's ideas to spread faster than ever, while also
proving that recreating the caliphate in the modern, ever-shrinking global
community is no mere fantasy. HT members in Jordan point to the internet and
the success of the European Union as evidence that a global caliphate can
realistically overcome historical differences and national rivalries. HT has
deftly played a lead role in many recent pan-Islamic issues. For instance,
it rapidly deployed its members to organize global boycotts and protests
against Denmark following the publication of the Prophet Muhammad cartoons
by the Jyllands-Posten.

Nevertheless, the group does have limitations. Its gradualist approach has a
limited appeal for the Arab world's increasingly numerous, unemployed and
ill-educated youths who generally demand immediate action against their
rulers and against Israel. HT's calm, non-violent methodology-largely
developed by well-educated South Asian immigrants in Western Europe-also
falls slightly flat among Arab cultures that appreciate bold,
confrontational rhetoric. The movement has apparently failed to gain
significant traction in countries like Egypt or Oman whose people are
reluctant to see their distinctive historical, ethnic and cultural
identities submerged within a caliphate. HT has also floundered in Saudi
Arabia and the Gulf states where political discourse is often simplistic and
clan-based. Gulf citizens recognize that a caliphate would force them to
share their oil wealth with the rest of the Muslim world.

HT may have been set back by the recent Lebanon war in which Hezbollah won a
strategic military victory over Israel. The conflict reignited belief that
Israel can be defeated militarily. The fallacy of this position, however, is
likely to be exposed (at least in the short-term) as Israel adapts to its
defeat and the region's true military balance reasserts itself. Once this
happens, HT may receive a further boost if its non-violent position is
vindicated.

Increased Significance

HT is regarded with some confusion by Western analysts because while its
goals of recreating a caliphate and then converting the world to Islam by
force if necessary are almost indistinguishable from bin Laden's, its
methods are entirely different. Although HT members sincerely believe that
the caliphate will be recreated soon, HT's real significance is likely to be
its increasingly important role in radicalizing and Islamizing the Middle
East. For example, HT's ideologies also fuel the increasingly common view
that the present conflict between Western democracies and Islamists is not a
resolvable dispute over land, territory and temporal politics, but is rather
an inevitable clash of civilizations, cultures and religions.

HT, by saying that non-Muslim attempts to prevent the creation of a global
Islamic empire amount to the deliberate persecution of Muslims, feed the
victim culture that fuels Islamic radicalism today, as well as provide the
necessary theological justification for individual acts of defensive or
pre-emptive jihad. HT argues that the Quran says that all non-Muslim
countries, cultures and individuals must submit to Islam. HT members who
accept this theory naturally begin to see the world exclusively in terms of
Muslims and non-Muslims, and inevitably begin to see all non-Islamic
entities as worthy of destruction. In addition, HT's absolute rejection of
democracy as un-Islamic is considerably more hard line than that of the
Muslim Brotherhood and other groups, while the group also takes highly
conservative positions regarding women, alcohol and freedom of speech.

HT's long-term strategy is to take over countries by progressively winning
over the elite. More pressing, however, is the threat posed by the "conveyor
belt" effect of HT [7]. The conveyor belt theory says that HT members often
leave the group much more radicalized than when they joined and that they
might then consequently commit terrorist acts [8]. In Europe and Central
Asia, this theory is supported by growing evidence that a larger flow of
people through HT leads to an increased number of attacks against Western
targets and non-Islamic governments by former HT members. Although it is
presently impossible to fully document this trend in the Arab world, it
seems logical that the conveyor belt theory would apply there just as it
does elsewhere.

In addition, HT splinter groups tend to be Salafi-Jihadi movements led by
people dissatisfied with HT's gradualist approach and its refusal to alter
its opposition to political violence. For example, in the UK, a senior
leader, the Syrian-born Omar Bakri Muhammad, quit HT to establish
al-Muhajiroun, which advocated violent attacks against British, U.S. and
Israeli targets around the world. Several peripheral members of
al-Muhajiroun later carried out jihadi attacks, while Bakri now lives in
Lebanon where he is believed to be involved in radical Islamic politics
among Palestinian refugees (particularly in the Ain al-Hilweh refugee camp)
and among Lebanese Sunnis in the Tripoli region [9].

In conclusion, despite HT's increasing popularity in the Middle East and its
stated aims of overthrowing existing Arab regimes, the group is not in
itself a threat to regional stability. Instead, for the moment at least, the
group's growing importance is in the effect that its rhetoric has on its
members, former members and those who hear its message.

Notes

1. Most of the background information on HT in the Arab world came from
interviews conducted with senior members of HT's Jordanian branch in Amman
in April 2006. The three members interviewed were Abdullah Shakr, the
group's Jordanian spokesman, and Abu Abdullah and Abu Muhammad, who were
described as being senior leaders of the Jordanian branch. All three have
been members of HT for more than 20 years and each has spent several years
in prison for their membership in the group.
2. See Hizb-ut-Tahrir Britain, http://www.hizb.org.uk.
3. See http://www.khilafah.com.
4. Interview with Jordanian HT members.
5. Syrian Human Rights Committee, http://www.shrc.org.uk.
6. See http://www.hizb-ut-tahrir.info/english/constitution.htm.
7. The "conveyor belt" theory has been most notably put forward by Dr. Zeyno
Baran of the Nixon Center.
8. For example, Omar Sharif, the British Muslim who carried out a suicide
attack in Tel Aviv on April 30, 2003, was a member of al-Muhajiroun. British
police recovered a substantial amount of HT literature from his house
(although Sharif never formally joined HT).
9. For example, Richard Reid, the British "shoe-bomber," was closely
associated with al-Muhajiroun. 

 

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