http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20061229.M10
<http://www.thejakartapost.com/detaileditorial.asp?fileid=20061229.M10&irec=
9> &irec=9

 

Freedom of religion remains major challenge for country 

Dadi Darmadi, Cambridge, Massachusetts

Indonesia is often called the world's third largest democracy. You wonder:
People in this country should be able to practice their religion freely,
shouldn't they? Not really. Not in our recent memory, with unforgettable
flashing images of religious persecution and fiery politics: burned
churches, vandalized mosques and angry mobs pelting worshipers. Religious
harmony and dialog, anyone? 

Indonesia has taken a long and winding road to freedom and democracy. The
state has endured but the self-proclaimed nation, with its "imagined"
religious harmony, is probably long, long gone. Sadly, reality bites -- at
least given the current picture of religious harmony and freedom of religion
here. Probably the biggest irony ever: In recent years, this once tolerant
country has continuously been placed on a watch list by international
monitoring groups for violating religious freedom. 

In 2006, Indonesia was in the hot seat, again, with Nigeria, Egypt, Cuba,
Belarus, Bangladesh and Afghanistan. So, are there reasons to believe that
it still is worth addressing the issues and predicting the prospects of both
religious harmony and freedom of religion in Indonesia in the next few
years? Is there still hope for religious freedom here? 

The prospect looks rather bleak indeed. In the last few years, or soon after
the riots and conflicts broke out, both central and local governments were
too busy with their domestic and cosmetic jobs. While social upheaval and
riots were easily ignited -- and they were often not easy to handle -- the
government has been too slow, too lenient in dealing with the perpetrators
and the culprits behind the unrest. If this trend continues, we will witness
one of the most glaring shortcomings in our social and religious life; when
the government is too apathetic to address the social issues, while the
citizens are too indifferent to the suffering of others. Some might suggest
that this condition is already here. 

The authorities have increasingly failed to prevent or punish criminal
offenders. As a country that was hit by the worst of the economic crisis,
and was once under harsh military rule, this kind of government attitude is
shocking. But as Indonesia is also often hailed as a success story in the
transition to democracy, this is just downright awful. This indifferent
response is probably a political choice to achieve stability in national
politics. But as anarchy at the street level continues to be tolerated, the
privatization of crime on a larger scale is just a matter of time. The toxic
residue of 30 years of official violence will continue to poison the legacy
of "imagined" religious harmony we inherited from the previous order. 

As if this was not bad enough, religious radicalism began taking root -- and
continues to do so. The growing political power and influence of religious
extremists has been followed by the imposition of religious-based laws in
several regencies. The consequence? Pressure, harassment and intimidation by
radical groups is rampant, while violence in the name of religion, as in the
case of various extremist Islamic groups that often target fellow Muslims,
has continued to increase. When the staunchest defenders of moderate and
progressive Islam came under fire, the overwhelmingly silent majority
hopelessly looked like jumping on the bandwagon with the staunchest
defenders of God -- as they imagined they were. 

In what might be a setback to already worsening religious harmony, a newly
revised government regulation, signed by the minister of religious affairs
and minister of home affairs, supposedly to make it easier to build houses
of worship, was met with caution. Some minority groups continue to complain
and share their concerns that the new rule is more a hindrance than a
relief. 

Unless the government keenly listens to the concerns of these groups on the
margins, the new ruling will continue to restrict the construction and
expansion of places of worship. 

It is not surprising that, in August 2006, Indonesia fared quite badly on an
index of the level of government and state intervention in religious affairs
-- even compared with other states in Southeast Asia. 

Another major issue is the state's failure to protect freedom of worship.
Just a few months ago, members of the Ahmadiyah group had to flee in order
to observe the Islamic holiday of Idul Fitri, while a few others prayed in
isolated places. 

Is this more evidence for those who are of the opinion that moderate Islam
in this country is simply a myth? This is not encouraging at all for the
general Muslim population, which often proudly assert themselves as
practicing moderate Islam, let alone for the religious freedom for the whole
nation. Have the lessons been learned from Maluku, Poso and other places?
Last month, in Garut, West Java, an angry mob acting in the name of
"preventing anarchic actions", demanded Ahmadiyah members demolish their
mosque with their own hands. 

This condition is sickening. Unless the government shows its political will
to uphold the Constitution, the prospect of freedom of worship is bleak,
from the top to the bottom. 

With the arrest of Lia Aminuddin of Jakarta, the cult leader and Archangel
Gabriel impersonator, and Yusman Roy of Malang, who was imprisoned for two
years following his use of Indonesian when leading Muslim prayers, it is
difficult to expect any major progress in the protection of all citizens,
regardless of their views. 

However, in times of crisis, things we often overlook are in fact positive
signs of recovery. Early this year, in the conflict-ridden Maluku islands,
several latupatis, local traditional chiefs, established a council to assist
in reconciling the local Muslim and Christian communities, who were
previously involved in a bloody conflict. It was also reported that some
Catholic schools were reopened, and, overall, it was expected that peace in
Maluku would gradually return. But for how long? We do not know. It is still
too early to generate any definitive prediction that the costly conflict
will not make a comeback. But these positive signs are definitely something
to cherish, and part of the reasons that make us believe that things may
change for the better. 

It is also worth noting that in the last few months the government has
courageously stepped up with stronger arguments in implementing effective
law enforcement, and at times has come up with unpopular decisions. In
rather surprising legal and political moves, the Poso Three -- Fabianus
Tibo, Dominggus da Silva and Marinus Riwu -- were executed last September as
they were found guilty by the court of inciting religious violence. Despite
the outcry from many, including a written objection from the pope to
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the government was firm enough to say
that this was the product of the legal system. 

Now the question is whether the government is also serious in upholding the
law to bring the other culprits in Poso to justice, and execute the three
main suspects of the Bali bombings -- Amrozi, Imam Samudra and Ali Gufron,
who are on death row. 

The government should combat criminal and violent acts emanating from both
street level crimes and organized terrorist groups. The popular mandate and
strong legitimacy of the Yudhoyono-Jusuf Kalla government should be used to
strengthen law enforcement and religious freedom. 

If this succeeds, the image and confidence of the government will be
enormously improved. Religious leaders also need to take an assertive role
in preventing religious tension. At this point, religious harmony is not
merely a state affair; it is in fact everyone's responsibility, including
religious leaders and their followers. At any rate, religion is about
differences, and a religious conflict is often justified simply by these
religious differences. 

It is expected that, instead of relying heavily on state initiatives,
informal and religious leaders, such as the local chiefs in Maluku, need to
work hand in hand with the authorities in combating religious persecution in
the name of the sacred and the social order. The leaders of major religious
organizations, especially in urban areas, have continuously shown great
interest in religious harmony. But if the government continues to deny these
basic rights, there is no guarantee that there will not be more cases of
blasphemy, heresy and religious persecution in the future. 



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