http://allafrica.com/stories/200701120186.html

 

Circles of Fire - Staring Into Somalia's Complex Inferno 



By Jonathan Katzenellenbogen
Johannesburg 

THE Ethiopian-led and US-backed overthrow of the Union of Islamic Courts in
Somalia has been swift, but the question of Somalia's future is still wide
open. The answer is important to the peace and security of much of east
Africa, Washington's war on terror and the millions of Somalis in need of
humanitarian assistance. In the absence of a political deal between the
transitional government, the more moderate elements in the Union of Islamic
Courts and clans, the country stands to return to warlordism. And even if
there is a deal, the government could suffer a radical Islamic insurgency.
Al- Qaeda has called for an Iraq type insurgency to dislodge the Ethiopian
"crusaders" from Somalia. 

With all the foreign meddling, are the more upbeat scenarios -- such as the
type of agreement that emerged in Somaliland, which seceded from Somalia --
possible? 

The US is attaching increasing strategic importance to Somalia. It already
has a military base in Djibouti and last week it dispatched an aircraft
carrier to join naval vessels offshore. The US has long been concerned that
al-Qaeda fighters fleeing Iraq and Afghanistan would go to Somalia, and it
now wants to cut off a sea escape for Islamist fighters. 

It is highly likely that it was to forestall the possibility of an
insurgency that the US launched air attacks this week on what it says were
al-Qaeda members, who along with Islamist fighters had fled pursuing
Ethiopian troops. 

As much as it may have done the US a degree of political damage to
demonstrate a substantial show of force in Africa, it was an opportune
moment for the US to claim some success in the war on terror. 

With the request for US support having come from the internationally
recognised interim government in Somalia, the US had legal ground for
action. And while the new secretary-general of the United Nations, Ban
ki-Moon, as well as the European Union, Norway and Italy, have criticised
the US over the attack, the silence from Africa, including SA, has been
overwhelming. 

What the US, the Ethiopians and the Kenyans fear most is another
Afghanistan. Both Afghanistan and Somalia have suffered from a weak central
government and warlordism at various stages. And in both cases, a short
campaign pushed out Islamist governments. In Afghanistan the Taliban have
resurfaced with a vengeance over the past year. 

If an Islamic insurgency is prevented, or at least restricted, in Somalia
and the wider region, the campaign to overthrow the Islamists is likely to
be claimed as a successful model for Washington's war on terror. 

The campaign in Somalia was not US-led. It was led by Ethiopia, a regional
power, allowing the US to avoid casualties and the need for a substantial
troop presence. Politically, the US may well have preferred that the
Ethiopians -- and ideally the transitional government -- do the entire job,
but circumstances probably made that hard. 

The US has clearly learnt -- from Iraq and Afghanistan -- that the end of a
campaign can be illusory, and can be used by its enemy to regroup. The
Taliban were overthrown in Afghanistan nearly five years ago and after
relative quiet for four years, they have regrouped. 

Somalia allows the US to point to a success in its war on terror at a time
that it is facing severe problems on its other fronts -- notably Iraq and
Afghanistan. However, Washington will keep a watchful eye from its base in
Djibouti. The lessons of Iraq and Afghanistan have not been lost on the US
military and a recent US defence department report on counter- insurgency
underscored the long-term nature of such campaigns. 

But the foreign interest from the US, al-Qaeda, Ethiopia and Kenya in Somali
clan politics is a risk to any future settlement. Somalia is a theatre for
proxy wars and will continue to be so for some time, given its strategic
location so close to the Bab al Mandeb choke point into the Red Sea, which
leads into the Suez Canal. Further, clan politics makes it susceptible to
foreign powers who want avenues to challenge their rivals. The danger would
become incendiary should, say, Iran decide to use Somalia as an arena in
which to challenge the US. 

The real problem Somalia faces now is: what next? That's the very question
the US failed to answer in Iraq and it is bound to be the most challenging
problem with any regime change situation. 

The Islamic Courts raised international fears of a new terror base in Africa
but Somali analysts agree that their six-month rule provided law and order
and some other state functions. With a sense of order, open clan rivalry was
reduced. 

Richard Cornwell, an analyst at the Institute for Security Studies, says
that while a Taliban-type state was never a prospect, the Taliban provoked
Ethiopia with calls for jihad and its support for rebel groups. Jihadist
rhetoric and recruitment of foreign fighters was a further provocation. 

It will be difficult for the transitional government to establish
legitimacy, due to Ethiopia's involvement in the overthrow. In Mogadishu,
warlords and clans are rearming and preparing to defend their turf and seize
opportunities that have come from the end of the Union of Islamic Courts'
control. 

The UN's preferred solution appears to be a peacekeeping force, preferably
dominated by Muslim countries. SA is among those considering the request but
is insisting that the clans reach a deal before a mission is sent. But if
the clans do reach a deal, would there really be the need for such a force
to be sent at all? It could merely emerge as a target for extremists. 

Somalia's clan politics have always been complicated, but they are getting a
lot more dangerous. 



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