SPIEGEL ONLINE - February 14, 2007, 04:23 PM
URL: http://www.spiegel.de/international/0,1518,466351,00.html
WASHINGTON-TEHRAN FACEOFF
War Games For Iran?

By Bernhard Zand in Dubai

Diplomatic hostility between the US and Iran is swelling. Iran's 
neighbors worry about what some think is a prelude to military 
aggression -- and they don't trust the Americans or the mullahs in Tehran.
The relationship between Iran and Iraq is both complicated and simple, 
and its essence can be seen every couple of days in the northern border 
town of Hajj Umran. Whenever Baghdad calls a new state of emergency, the 
large cast iron gate at the Hajj Umran border checkpoint closes. A 
peshmerga or Kurdish soldier from the Iraqi side positions himself in 
front of the gate with his Kalashnikov rifle. To an untrained eye the 
border looks sealed; only the faces of revolutionary leader Ayatollah 
Ruhollah Khomeini and his successor Ali Khameini peer across the border 
from a wall on the Iranian side.

For the Iraqi and Iranian smugglers who struggle up the mountain pass 
every day, though, it's just an annoyance. They stop briefly in front of 
the closed gate, loaded with heavy luggage, then walk past the 
checkpoint to the right or the left, sometimes waving at the guards. No 
one stops them. Heavily used footpaths lead around most checkpoints 
between Iraq and Iran. This is true in Hajj Umran, high up in northern 
Iraq, but it's especially the case in the south, where Shiites live on 
both sides -- tribes that not even the massacres of the Iran-Iraq war in 
the 1980s could divide.

Washington has started raising the volume on allegations that Iran is 
supporting groups in Iraq with money, military training and weapons. 
When the US military carried out a raid in Baghdad recently, according 
to the Daily Telegraph, it discovered 100 Steyr HS.50 guns from the 
catalog of Austrian arms producer Steyr-Mannlicher. These weapons 
probably stemmed from a 2004 arms shipment to Iran. British forces have 
seized suspicious ammunition in Basra, and US troops have arrested 
Iranian undercover agents in Arbil, the capital of Kurdistan, and in 
Baghad. This week, they also presented the first piece of concrete 
evidence: specially built grenade launchers that were -- according to 
the National Security Agency (NSA), the US military intelligence agency 
-- produced in Iran.

Still, no concrete evidence has come to light for the crucial allegation 
-- that the military aid was sanctioned at the "highest levels" of the 
Iranian government. When smugglers work so casually in Hajj Umran, 
though, it's hard to see how charges of collusion can be proven or denied.

Tehran has chosen to deny them. Mohammed Ali Hosseini has said the 
United States has a "long history in fabricating evidence" -- an 
argument US authorities were surely expecting after their intelligence 
debacle in Iraq. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General 
Peter Pace, chose his words carefully when he commented on the fact that 
some weapons used in Iraq can be traced to Iran. "That does not 
translate that the Iran per se, for sure, is directly involved in doing 
this," Pace told reporters on Tuesday. "What it does say is that things 
made in Iran are being used in Iraq to kill coalition soldiers." That's 
certainly a more nuanced statement than those made by US Secretary of 
State Colin Powell in the spring of 2003.

The question now is which of the two arguments will have a greater 
public effect in the coming weeks: Washington's not-implausible charge 
that Iran is massively intervening in Iraq, or Tehran's not-implausible 
suggestion that slide shows prepared by US intelligence should be taken 
with a grain of salt.

Who would wage the war, if it came?

Iran and Iraq's neighbors in the Gulf have watched this diplomatic 
escalation with understandable concern. They don't trust Iran's 
expansionist foreign policy -- including its secretive nuclear program 
-- or the American strategy in Iraq. Different versions of three basic 
scenarios have circulated on the opinion pages and blogs of the region 
for the past weeks. First, an imminent US military strike. Second, a 
unilateral Israeli attack like the one on Iraq's Osirak nuclear reactor 
in 1981. Or, third, the scenario everyone hopes for -- that one of the 
two antagonists, preferably Iran, will back down before the war of words 
degrades into violence.

One line of speculation says the US won't attack Iran alone because the 
Bush administration lacks support from within his country. But would 
Israel? Ehud Olmert's administration lacks internal support, too, but an 
Iran with nuclear weapons would pose an existential threat to Israel. 
The likelihood of an Israeli airstrike has been rehearsed in a study by 
security analysts at the International Netherlands Group (ING), a Dutch 
financial group. The study is being mailed back and forth busily by 
interested readers in the Gulf region. "Financial markets are assuming 
that an Israeli and/or US attack on Iran is unlikely. However, bellicose 
rhetoric from Israel and an imminent build-up of US forces in the Gulf 
suggest that they could be in for a shock," says the ING Group's chief 
economist, Mark Cliffe.

Mohammed Al Naqbi at the Gulf Negotiation Centre in Abu Dhabi also 
believes Israel, not the United States, is preparing for war. He says 
the process is long past the stage of psychological warfare. "Everything 
is in place, from the US point of view, for a war most probably this 
time on Iran," says Naqbi, adding that the US administration is 
"sleepwalking" to its next conflict. He expects military operations to 
begin in March or April, shortly after the International Atomic Energy 
Agency (IAEA) presents its next report, and in time for Admiral William 
Fallon, the new head of US Central Command, to get acquainted with his job.

Unofficial reports have emerged from the Gulf in recent weeks accusing 
the US of working to undermine the Tehran government by meddling at the 
country's borders and provoking ethnic and religious violence. But the 
Iranian Interior Ministry made no such allegation when a car loaded with 
explosives killed 18 members of Iran's elite Revolutionary Guards on 
Wednesday. Interior Ministry official Majid Razavi said one of the 
perpretrators had been arrested, but refused to elaborate on his 
identity, while Revolutionary Guards commander Qasem Rezaei vaguely 
blamed "insurgents and elements of insecurity" for the attack.

Preserving the balance of power

If they had to choose, some Gulf states would probably accept the risks 
of war than have to live with a nuclear-armed Iran, according to Nicole 
Stracke, an analyst at the Gulf Research Center in Dubai. But things are 
far from having reached that point, she adds. Many analysts, in her 
opinion, underestimate the Americans' diplomatic tangle with Iran, while 
overestimating the lone superpower's military and operational 
possibilities in the Gulf. An overhasty attack on Iran would not only 
endanger US allies in the Middle East, Stracke argues; it would also put 
the 160,000 US soldiers occupying Iraq at even greater risk, who would 
face direct retaliation by radical Iranian groups. Stracke doesn't 
believe the United States will conduct a military strike on Iran or give 
Israel the green light for such a strike until the direct influence of 
Iran in Iraq has at least been reduced.

Two US aircraft carriers are currently positioned off the coast of Iran 
-- the Dwight D. Eisenhower and the John C. Stennis. They sometimes come 
within their own artillery range of the port city of Bushehr, with its 
nuclear facility. "It can't be a good feeling for the Iranians," says 
Admiral Michael Miller, commander of the USS Reagan Carrier Strike 
Group, which finished maneuvers in the Gulf last June. He says it would 
make him nervous if Iranian aircraft carriers operated just off the 
California coast -- but quickly adds that the comparison is just 
hypothetical. Iran, after all, isn't a declared enemy. "We're just here 
to preserve the balance of power in this region," he says.


© SPIEGEL ONLINE 2007
All Rights Reserved
Reproduction only allowed with the permission of SPIEGELnet GmbH

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