http://www.telegraph.co.uk/opinion/main.jhtml?xml=/opinion/2007/03/25/do2504
.xml

We must fight terror the American way 


By David Davis

Last Updated: 12:01am GMT 25/03/2007


 
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International terrorism threatens every country. But some of the answers, as
well as the problems, lie abroad. I have just returned from the United
States, where I spoke to counter-terrorism chiefs at the White House, FBI
and the Department of Homeland Security to learn from their struggle against
terrorism.

The US experience is different from our own. They have been hit harder, face
a different threat and have different solutions. There is no
counter-terrorism blueprint we can import wholesale. But there are lessons
for Britain. Over the past five years, the US has assessed the mistakes that
led to 9/11, mobilised an assertive counter-terrorism strategy and prevented
any further attacks on American soil.

The most striking difference between the threats to Britain and America is
their source. September 11 was an attack by foreign nationals, July 7 by
home-grown British citizens. The US has proved far better than the UK at
integrating foreign immigrants, including Muslims.

If the threats facing our two countries are different, so is the approach.
America confronted its failure to prevent 9/11 with three formal inquiries.
They galvanised a consensus to force through the changes required to prevent
another 9/11.

Preventing a terrorist attack became the number one priority of the FBI and
the Department of Justice. The FBI has a formal duty to pursue every
terrorist lead. Britain falls unacceptably short of that standard. US
counter-terrorism chiefs hold conference calls three times a day, seven days
a week, to ensure "situational awareness" of threats.

The contrast with Britain is sobering. No independent inquiry after the July
7 bombings. No lessons learnt. A lack of political will and resources to
tackle the terrorist threat. The Prime Minister's Delivery Unit describes
government strategy as "immature, disjointed and weak", lacking the capacity
to measure "real world impact".

Meanwhile, the US has implemented 37 out of 39 of the recommendations of the
9/11 Commission Report. What equivalent insights did Britain gain from the
tragic events of July 2005? An independent inquiry would have forced us to
confront and remedy the flaws in our approach.

UK spending on counter-terrorism was too slow to respond to the increased
threat symbolised by 9/11 and rivalry between Gordon Brown and consecutive
Home Secretaries continues to trump national security - hence a freeze on
the Home Office budget until 2010.

The US has not resorted to short cuts with its citizens' freedoms to bolster
national security. It does not have control orders. Police can only hold
terror suspects in pre-charge detention for 10 days, not the 28 days
available to British police let alone the 90 days John Reid wants. The truth
is that America under Bush is both freer and more secure than Britain under
Blair.

There are, however, features of the system in the US we should not borrow.
There is massive bureaucracy, with 22 intelligence agencies, three layers of
government and all the attendant difficulties of coordination.

The Conservatives believe it is vital to appoint a Security Minister in the
Home Office, with Cabinet rank, to ensure coordination and drive
counter-terrorism policy. We do not want the bureaucratic distraction of
setting up a new department dealing with security - let alone John Reid's
ill-considered plans to break up the Home Office, just when its current
problems point to the need for security and justice policy to be more, not
less, joined-up.

Britain should learn three lessons from the US. First, intelligence is the
key to prevention. If the threat is as serious as MI5 has warned, Labour's
chokehold on security spending is inexcusable. The FBI has 30,000 personnel
gathering intelligence and the National Counter-Terrorism Center has more
than 400 analysing it.

Second, gestures and gimmicks, including ID cards, 90-day detention and
control orders, are no substitute for serious law enforcement. Those
involved in terror must be brought to justice.

We should use every available legal tool to make that happen. John Reid has
refused to introduce intercept evidence to prosecute terrorists, saying it
is "not a silver bullet". Yet the FBI and Department of Justice use
intercept evidence in nearly all counter-terrorism and organised crime
cases. It is often the critical evidence that secures a conviction. It can
persuade a defendant to plead guilty, cooperate with police and give
evidence against terrorist accomplices. It is the US prosecutor's legal
weapon of choice, with the most reliable record for hitting the target. Yet
Britain remains one of the few countries in the world not using intercept
evidence.

Finally, if we cannot rule out terrorist attack, we should be much better
prepared for it. The US has put enormous energy into strengthening its
"resilience" to attack, protecting communications systems, chemical plants
and transport infrastructure. I examined the poison gas detection system at
Grand Central station in New York. Similar systems are in place on US
underground networks. Back in the UK, we are way behind. We do not even have
a comprehensive underground-to-surface communications system, to allow the
emergency services to communicate in the event of an attack on the Tube.

Having looked closely at the US response to 9/11, I am convinced Britain has
not learnt all the lessons that would help prevent another attack at home.
We know the threat is increasing and the challenges are diverse. The
Conservatives will put politics aside and support this Government in taking
measures to strengthen our defences against another attack. But the
Government must face up to past mistakes. It must be as candid about the
weaknesses in our defences as it is about the terrorist threat we now face.
It must answer our call for an independent inquiry into the attacks of July
2005. Britain deserves no less.

 



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