Statement by Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr
Mottaki at the
UN Security Council
March 24, 2007
http://en.baztab. <http://en.baztab.com/content/?cid=1315>
com/content/?cid=1315

"If certain countries have pinned their hopes that
repeated Resolutions would dent the resolve of the
great Iranian nation, they should not doubt that they
have once again faced a catastrophic intelligence and
analytical failure vis-�-vis the Iranian people's
Islamic Revolution."

"In fact, our people have never had any role in crimes
against humanity such as the crimes committed during
the last two World Wars, genocides taken place in
different parts of the world, the Hiroshima and
Nackazaky tragedy, Vietnam war and the crimes
perpetrated during the war in Balkan and the atrocious
crimes that are being systematically committed against
the Palestinian people. Iran has not started any war
in the past two hundred years. We have been even the
victim of terrorism and WMD during the 8 year imposed
war. We call for peace, stability and well-being of
all people throughout the world especially in our own
region. We have always endeavored to play a
constructive and effective role as a responsible
member of the international community."

In the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful

Mr. President,

This is the fourth time in the last 12 months that in
an unwarranted move, orchestrated by a few of its
permanent members, the Security Council is being
abused to take an unlawful, unnecessary and
unjustifiable action against the peaceful nuclear
program of the Islamic Republic of Iran which presents
no threat to international peace and security and
falls therefore outside the Council's Charter-based
mandate.
As we have stressed time and again, Iran's nuclear
program is completely peaceful. We have expressed our
readiness, taken unprecedented steps and offered
several serious proposals to address and allay any
possible concern in this regard. Indeed, there has
been no doubt for us from the very beginning, nor
should there be any for the Council, that all these
schemes of the co-sponsors of the Resolution are for
narrow national considerations, and aimed at depriving
the Iranian people of their inalienable rights, rather
than emanating from any so-called proliferation
concerns.

In order to give this scheme a semblance of
international legitimacy, its initiators first
manipulated the IAEA Board of Governor and- as they
acknowledged themselves- "coerced" some of its members
to vote against Iran in the Board, and then have taken
advantage of their substantial economic and political
power to pressure and manipulate the Security Council
to adopt three unwarranted resolutions within 8
months.

Undoubtedly, those resolutions cannot indicate
universal acceptance, particularly when the heads of
state of nearly two thirds of UN members, who belong
to the Non-Aligned Movement and the OIC, supported
Iran's positions as recently as September 2006 and
expressed concern about policies pursued inside the
Security Council. These resolutions do not even
reflect the views of the Council's own 15 members,
since most of them were not thoroughly informed about,
let alone engaged in, the discussions held in secret
meetings where only a few, among them non-members of
the Council, decide for the whole Security Council.
Mr. President,

This is not the first time the Security Council is
asking Iran to abandon its rights. When Saddam Hussein
invaded Iran 27 years ago, this Council waited 7 days
so that Iraq could occupy 30000 sq kilometers of
Iranian territory. Then it unanimously adopted
Security Council Resolution 479. That unanimously
adopted resolution asked the two sides to stop the
hostilities, without asking the aggressor to withdraw.
That is, the Council -- then too -- effectively asked
Iran to suspend the implementation of parts of its
rights; at that time is its right to 30000 sq
kilometers of its territory.

As expected, the aggressor dutifully COMPLIED. But
imagine what would have happened if Iran had COMPLIED.
We would still be begging the Council's then
sweetheart, President Saddam Hussein, to return our
territory.
We did not accept to suspend our right to our
territory. We resisted 8 years of carnage and use of
chemical weapons coupled with pressure from this
Council, and sanctions from its permanent members.

In the course of the war, the United States joined the
United Kingdom, Germany, France and the Soviet Union
along with other Western countries in providing Saddam
with military hardware and intelligence and even the
material for chemical and biological weapons. The
Security Council was prevented for several years and
in spite of mounting evidence and UN reports, to deal
with the use of chemical weapons by Iraq against
Iranian civilians and military personnel.

I am confident that today, most of the permanent
members of this Council, do not even want to remember
that travesty of justice, the Charter and
international law, let alone blame Iran for
non-compliance with SCR 479.

I am also confident that they do not want to remember
that when the Iranian people nationalized their oil
industry, they attempted to impose a resolution on
this Council condemning Iran for threatening peace and
security. But they cannot coerce the international
public opinion to forget that and certainly the
Iranian people will never forget it.

Who among you does not know � and rest assured that
the international public opinion does know � that
two permanent members of this Council, with full and
prior knowledge of Zionist regime intention to commit
aggression against Lebanon, prevented for over a month
any decision in this Council, the Rome Conference and
other initiatives to put an end to that regime's
atrocities? You in the Council could not even adopt an
appropriate position vis-�-vis the bombardment of UN
facilities in Lebanon which caused the death of your
own representatives. The Security Council should be
accountable not only for its unlawful actions and
decisions, but indeed for its repeated failures to act
against threats to international peace and security.

Mr. President,

As an organ of an international organization created
by States, the Security Council is bound by law, and
Member States have every right to insist that the
Council keeps within the powers they have accorded to
it under the Charter. The Security Council must
exercise those powers consistently with the Purposes
and Principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
Equally, the measures it takes must be consistent with
the Purposes and Principles of the UN and with other
international law. Members of the Security Council do
not have the right to undermine Council's credibility.

There is every reason to assert that consideration by
the Security Council of the Iranian peaceful nuclear
program has no legal basis as the referral of the case
to the Security Council and then adoption of
Resolutions fail to meet the minimum standards of
legality. Iran's peaceful nuclear activities cannot be
characterized as a threat to peace by any stretch of
law, fact or logic. Rather, certain members of the
Security Council decided to hijack the case from IAEA,
as the principal specialized technical organ in charge
of the issue, and politicize it. How can Iran's
peaceful nuclear program be considered in the Security
Council while Iran has carried out its obligations,
and cooperated to the fullest extent possible, far
more than it is obliged to in accordance with its
treaty obligations, namely the NPT and the Safeguard
Agreement? Isn't it simply because the IAEA could not
find any diversion from lawful and peaceful purposes?
How could one expect the IAEA to prove a negative
fact?
Mr. President,

In order to achieve the politically motivated and
unlawful goal of depriving Iran from its inalienable
right to nuclear technology, attempts have been made
to manufacture evidence. According to a recent report
in an American newspaper, "most U.S. intelligence
shared with the U.N. nuclear watchdog agency has
proved inaccurate and none has led to significant
discoveries inside Iran." The same news article also
quotes a senior IAEA official as saying "since 2002,
pretty much all the intelligence that's come to us has
proved to be wrong."

However, in order to enable the IAEA to reach this
conclusion, Iran had to implement transparency
measures outside all IAEA safeguards and protocols and
allow the IAEA inspectors over 20 visit to its
sensitive military sites which had no connection
whatsoever to its nuclear program. Can any member of
this Council accept to do likewise? Are permanent
members of this Council even prepared to simply inform
the international public of the number of centrifuges
they own?
In fact, over the last four years, the IAEA has
conducted more than 2100 person-days of scrutiny of
all Iranian nuclear facilities. All reports by the
IAEA since November 2003 have been indicative of the
peaceful nature of Iranian nuclear program. The Agency
confirmed in 2003, and maintained since then that "to
date, there is no evidence that the previously
undeclared nuclear material and activities � were
related to a nuclear weapons program."

On several occasions, the Agency concluded that "all
the declared nuclear material in Iran has been
accounted for, and therefore such material is not
diverted to prohibited activities." As recently as
February 2007, the IAEA Director General stated in his
report that "pursuant to its NPT Safeguards Agreement,
Iran has been providing the Agency with access to
declared nuclear material and facilities, and has
provided the required nuclear material accountancy
reports in connection with such material and
facilities." The same report also indicates "the
Agency is able to verify the non-diversion of declared
nuclear material in Iran." He also indicated to the
Board of Governors on March 5, 2007 that the Agency
has seen no "industrial capacity to produce
weapons-useable nuclear material, which is an
important consideration in assessing the risk."

Mr. President,

It is very unfortunate that the Security Council,
under the manifest pressure by a few of its permanent
members, persists in trying to deprive a nation of its
"inalienable right" to develop nuclear technology for
peaceful purposes, while that nation has met, and
continues to honor, its international obligations. The
Security Council's decision to try to coerce Iran into
suspension of its peaceful nuclear program is a gross
violation of Article 25 of the Charter, and
contradicts Iranian people's right to development and
the right to education. While Member States have
agreed, in accordance with Article 25 of the Charter,
to accept and carry out the decisions of the Security
Council in accordance with the present Charter, the
Security Council could not pressurize countries into
submitting either to its decisions taken in bad faith
or to its demands negating the Fundamental purposes
and principles of the UN Charter. Likewise, as the
International Court of Justice held in its 1971
advisory opinion, the Member States are required to
comply with its decisions only if they are in
accordance with the UN Charter. Does the UN Charter
authorize the Security Council to require Member
States of the UN to give up their basic rights
emanating from treaties? To do that would violate
established principles of international treaty law and
that of the purposes of the UN Charter to establish
conditions under which justice and respect for treaty
obligations is to be maintained.

Who could deny that preventing a whole nation from
higher education in specific fields as well as from
benefiting from nuclear technology for humanitarian
and civil uses is contrary to the basic rights of all
people to education and the right to development?
Isn't it an alarming discriminatory approach
vis-�-vis knowledge and development? How could an
organ of the United Nations, established to maintain
peace and security, be manipulated by certain States
not only to act contrary to fundamental purposes and
principles of the Charter, but also to aggravate an
easily-resolvable issue into an international crisis?
However, it is evident that such an approach will
strengthen the resolve of developing countries to
expedite their independence-seeking efforts and attain
even greater scientific and technological
achievements.

Mr. President,

The Resolution which was just adopted about Iran's
peaceful nuclear program, while those who voted in
favor of it did not even bother to listen to my
country's positions and explanations, has a number of
characteristics which I wish to underline for the
record and for the awakened global public opinion:

1. This Resolution, by establishing sanctions, is
punishing a country, which according to the IAEA has
never diverted its nuclear program. This Resolution
punishes a country, which has been a committed member
of the NPT, with all its nuclear facilities under the
monitoring of the IAEA inspectors and their camera.
This Resolution imposes sanctions on a country that
has fulfilled all its commitments to the NPT and IAEA
safeguards, and demands nothing more than its
inalienable rights under the NPT. Is there any better
way to undermine an important multilateral instrument
which deals directly with international peace and
security? Isn't this action by the Security Council
not, in and of itself, a grave threat to international
peace and security?

2. The current Resolution has clearly departed from
the stated claims of its sponsors and through
targeting my country's defense, economic and
educational institutions, is pursuing objectives far
beyond Iran's peaceful nuclear program. The sanctions
in this Resolution are clearly targeting an
independent, proud and tireless nation with thousands
of years of culture and civilization. What can harming
of hundreds of thousands of depositors in Bank Sepah,
with 80 year history in Iran, mean other than
confronting ordinary Iranians?

3. This Resolution is adopted at a time when not only
all rational proposals and initiatives to return to a
negotiated solution have been neglected, but also
certain countries have not even allowed the
presentation of such proposals. Iran has always been
ready for time-bound and unconditional negotiations
aimed at finding a mutually acceptable solution. Iran
has done its best to achieve this objective and has
presented numerous proposals to provide necessary
assurances about the peaceful nature of its nuclear
program. In the last several weeks, other proposals
were advanced, each of which could have provided an
opportunity to break the current stalemate and lead to
a rational and just resolution. The only
interpretation that can be drawn from the rush to
adopt this resolution and prevent negotiations is that
ulterior motives of the sponsors and the lack of
political will to find solutions.

4. Finally, the current Resolution is adopted against
Iran's peaceful nuclear program at a time when major
nuclear powers continue to flout the persistent demand
of the international community for nuclear disarmament
and instead jeopardize international peace and
security by developing new generations of these
weapons and by threatening to use them.

Mr. President,

I ask you: Does the adoption of the present Resolution
strengthen international peace and security? Does it
augment the credibility of important international
mechanisms such as the NPT, the IAEA and even this
very Council? Does it enhance the confidence of
countries and developing nations that they can attain
their rights through these mechanisms and instruments?
Does it increase trust in multilateral mechanisms?
Does it decrease unilateralist tendencies? Certainly,
the answer to all these questions is NO. The only
outcome of this Resolution is that freedom-loving
people and governments in the world would gain
confidence that they cannot rely on multilateral
institutions to attain their legitimate rights.

Because of the unlawful and unjust approach of the
Security Council, its Resolutions have until now
failed to lead to a resolution of the issue. These
Resolutions -- and the certainty of some permanent
members that they can get them one way or another --
are, and have always been, a part of the problem and
an impediment to finding a real and mutually
acceptable solution. That is why Iran continues to
insist on the imperative of stopping this practice
which will only exacerbate the situation and will
erode the authority and undermine the credibility of
the Council.

Mr. President,

It was clear from the outset that there are only two
alternatives in dealing with Iranian peaceful nuclear
program: cooperation and interaction or confrontation
and conflict. The Islamic Republic of Iran, confident
of the peaceful nature of its nuclear program always
insisted on the first alternative. Iran does not seek
confrontation, nor does it want anything beyond its
inalienable rights. I can assure you that pressure and
intimidation will not change Iranian policy. If
certain countries have pinned their hopes that
repeated Resolutions would dent the resolve of the
great Iranian nation, they should not doubt that they
have once again faced a catastrophic intelligence and
analytical failure vis-�-vis the Iranian people's
Islamic Revolution. Probably in the history of Iran
there can be no time that the entire people have been
so solidly behind a national demand. As the Iranian
nation paid a heavy price for its nationalization of
its oil industry and its 8 years of sacred defense, we
realize now that we must be prepared to pay the price
for our dignity and our independence. But the world
must know � and it does � that even the harshest
political and economic sanctions or other threats are
far too weak to coerce the Iranian nation to retreat
from their legal and legitimate demands.

If you are seeking to sanction and block the wealth
and capabilities of the Iranian nation, particularly
our national heroes, who are mentioned in the
Resolution, then I will tell you what the main assets
are: Faith in God, Seeking justice, and resisting
against threats and intimidations.

Can this resolution block these valuable assets? Could
8 years of imposed war confiscate this great asset? A
war that was designed by certain permanent members and
implemented with the endless support of weapons and
petro-dollars, missiles, Mirage and Super Etandard
aircrafts, intelligence support and promises from the
former US defense secretary.

The Iranian nation, following its esteemed leader,
advises you not to undermine the dignity of the United
nations and the IAEA . We invite you to come back to
the path of negotiation based on justice and truth.
The only way is to abandon the unwise pre-conditions
and come back to negotiation with good faith.
Suspension is neither an option nor a solution.

Mr. President,

The Iranian people, guided by Islamic teachings and
values, are peace loving and civilized nation. In
fact, our people have never had any role in crimes
against humanity such as the crimes committed during
the last two World Wars, genocides taken place in
different parts of the world, the Hiroshima and
Nackazaky tragedy, Vietnam war and the crimes
perpetrated during the war in Balkan and the atrocious
crimes that are being systematically committed against
the Palestinian people. Iran has not started any war
in the past two hundred years. We have been even the
victim of terrorism and WMD during the 8 year imposed
war. We call for peace, stability and well-being of
all people throughout the world especially in our own
region. We have always endeavored to play a
constructive and effective role as a responsible
member of the international community.

Thank you Mr. President.
+++

Iran to Reconsider Cooperation with IAEA
http://en.baztab. <http://en.baztab.com/content/?cid=1335>
com/content/?cid=1335

Government spokesman Gholamhossein Elham announced
Sunday that the government had decided to reconsider
cooperation with the International Atomic Energy
Agency.

Terming Saturday's UN Security Council Resolution 1747
against Iran as ''illegal'', Elham noted, ''The
Council of Ministers met Sunday evening under
chairmanship of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to
discuss a recent law passed by the Majlis ( 27.12.06)
obliging the government to review its cooperation with
IAEA. The cabinet meeting decided that Iran Atomic
Energy Organization (IAEO) should halt part of its
cooperation with IAEA until Iran's case returns to
IAEA from the Security Council and the situation gets
back to normal.''

He added that IAEO had agreed in line with safeguards
agreement with IAEA to increase cooperation with the
agency ''but this cooperation will stop until Iran's
case returns to IAEA from the Security Council and the
situation gets back to normal.''

The safeguards agreement, he added, obliged Iran to
inform the IAEA of all details of any plans and
decision-making for creation of any facilities and
execution of programs related to its nuclear issue.
This is while, according to NPT, the member states are
duty bound to inform the IAEA of their nuclear
programs just six months before commissioning. - IRNA



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