<http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/DK05Ak01.html>
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Middle East
Islamism, fascism and terrorism (Part 1)
By Marc Erikson
[Editor's note: As distinct from the world religion of Islam, Islamism - as
in part contextually defined below - is a political ideology that adherents
would apply to contemporary governance and politics, and which they
propagate through political and social activism.]
On November 7, 2001, on the request of the US government, the Swiss Federal
Prosecutor's Office froze the bank accounts of Nada Management, a
Lugano-based financial services and consulting firm, and ordered a search
and seizure raid on the firm's offices. Police pulled in several of the
company's principals for questioning. Nada Management, part of the
international al-Taqwa ("fear of God") group, is accused by US Treasury
Department investigators of having acted for years as advisers and a funding
conduit for Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda.
Among those interrogated by police was a certain Albert Friedrich Armand
(aka Ahmed) Huber, 74, a Swiss convert to Islam and retired journalist who
sits on the Nada board of directors. Nothing too unusual perhaps, except for
the fact that Huber is also a high-profile neo-Nazi who tirelessly travels
the far-right circuit in Europe and the United States. He sees himself as a
mediator between radical Islam and what he calls the New Right. Since
September 11, a picture of Osama bin Laden hangs next to one of Adolf Hitler
on the wall of his study in Muri just outside the Swiss capital of Bern.
September 11, says Huber, brought the radical Islam-New Right alliance
together.
On that, as his own career amply demonstrates, he is largely wrong. Last
year's horrific terrorist acts were gleefully celebrated by Islamists and
neo-Nazis alike (Huber boozed it up with young followers in a Bern bar) and
may have produced closer links. But Islamism and fascism have a long, over
80-year history of collaboration based on shared ideas, practices and
perceived common enemies. They abhor "Western decadence" (political
liberalism, capitalism), fight holy wars - if needs be suicidal ones - by
indiscriminate means, and are bent on the destruction of the Jews and of
America and its allies.
Horst Mahler - once a lawyer for, later a member of, the 1960s/'70s German
ultra-left terrorist Baader-Meinhof gang, and now a leading neo-Nazi -
summed up convergent radical Islamic and far-right views and hopes in a
September 21, 2001 letter: "The USA - or, to be more exact, the World Police
- has shown itself to be vulnerable ... The foreseeable reaction of the East
Coast [= the Jewish controllers and their gentile allies = the US
Establishment] can be the spark that falls into a powder keg. For decades,
the jihad - the Holy War - has been the agenda of the Islamic world against
the 'Western value system.' This time it could break out in earnest ... It
would be world war, that is won with the dagger ... The Anglo-American and
European employees of the 'global players,' dispersed throughout the entire
world, are - as Osama bin Laden proclaimed a long while ago - military
targets. These would be attacked by dagger, where they least expected an
attack. Only a few need be liquidated in this manner; the survivors will run
off like hares into their respective home countries, where they belong."
Such convergence of views, methods and goals goes back to the 1920s when
both Islamism and fascism, ideologically pre-shaped in the late 19th
century, emerged as organized political movements with the ultimate aim of
seizing state power and imposing their ideological and social policy
precepts (in which aims fascism, of course, succeeded in the early '20s and
'30s in Italy and Germany, respectively; Islamism only in 1979 in Iran; then
in Sudan and Afghanistan). Both movements claim to be the true
representatives of some arcane, idealized religious or ethnically pure
communities of days long past - in the case of Islamism, the period of the
four "righteous caliphs" (632-662), notably the rule of Umar bin al-Khattab
(634-44) which allegedly exemplifies "din wa dawla", the unity of religion
and state; in the case of the Nazis, the even more obscure Aryan
"Volksgemeinschaft", with no historical reference point at all. But both are
in reality - as historian Daniel Pipes, director of the Middle East Forum,
puts it - 20th century outgrowths, radical movements, utopian and
totalitarian in their outlook. The Iranian scholars Ladan and Roya Boroumand
have made the same point.
The Nazi ("national socialist") movement was formed in reaction to the World
War I destruction of the "Second Reich", the "unequal and treasonous"
Versailles Treaty and the mass social dislocation that followed, its
racialist, corporatist ideology laid out in Hitler's Mein Kampf (My
Struggle). The Muslim Brotherhood (Al Ikhwan Al Muslimun), parent
organization of numerous Islamist terrorist outfits, was formed in 1928 in
reaction to the 1924 abolition of the caliphate by Turkish reformer Kemal
Ataturk, drawing the consequences of the World War I demise of the Ottoman
Empire. Ikhwan founder Hassan al-Banna, an Egyptian school teacher, wrote at
the time that it was endless contemplation of "the sickness that has reduced
the ummah (Muslim community) to its present state" which prompted him and
five like-minded followers - all of them in their early twenties - to set up
the organization to rectify it.
Fascist Nazi history need not be dwelt on further here. It led to the
horrors and destruction of World War II and the Holocaust. Neo-Nazism,
whether in Europe or the US, remains a terrorist threat and - as the French
Le Pen version demonstrated in parliamentary elections this year - retains a
measure of political clout. It is nonetheless a boxed-in niche force with
little capability for break-out. Its ideological twin, Islamism, by sharp
contrast, has every chance for wreaking escalating world-wide havoc based on
its fast-growing influence among the world's more than one billion Muslims.
Immediately following September 11 last year, US President George W Bush
declared war on terrorism. It's a catchy phrase, but a serious misnomer all
the same. Terrorism is a method of warfare, not the enemy. The enemy is
Islamism.
Al-Banna's brotherhood, initially limiting itself to spiritual and moral
reform, grew at astonishing speed in the 1930s and '40s after embracing
wider political goals and by the end of World War II had around 500,000
members in Egypt alone and branches throughout the Middle East. Event
background, ideology, and method of organizing all account for its
improbable success. As the war drew to a close, the time was ripe for an end
to British and French colonial rule and the Ikhwan was ready with the
persuasive, religiously-buttressed answer: Free the Islamic homeland from
foreign, infidel (kafir) control; establish a unified Islamic state. And
al-Banna had built a formidable organization to accomplish just that: it
featured sophisticated governance structures, sections in charge of
different segments of society (peasants, workers, professionals), units
entrusted with key functions (propaganda, press relations, translation,
liaison with the Islamic world), and specialized committees for finances and
legal affairs - all built on existing social networks, in particular those
around mosques and Islamic welfare associations. Weaving of traditional ties
into a distinctly modern political structure was at the root of al-Banna's
success..
But the "Supreme Guide" of the brethren knew that faith, good works and
numbers alone do not a political victory make. Thus, modeled on Mussolini's
blackshirts (al-Banna much admired "Il Duce" and soul brother "Fuehrer"
Adolf Hitler), he set up a paramilitary wing (slogan: "action, obedience,
silence", quite superior to the blackshirts' "believe, obey, fight") and a
"secret apparatus" (al-jihaz al-sirri) and intelligence arm of al-Ikhwan to
handle the dirtier side - terrorist attacks, assassinations, and so on - of
the struggle for power.
In 1948, after the brotherhood had played a pivotal role in mobilizing
volunteers to fight in the war against "the Zionists" in Palestine to
prevent establishment of a Jewish state, it considered itself to have the
credibility, political clout, and military might to launch a coup d'etat
against the Egyptian monarchy. But that wasn't to be. On December 8, 1948, a
watchful Prime Minister Nuqrashi Pasha disbanded it. He wasn't watchful
enough. Less than three weeks later, the brethren retaliated by
assassinating the prime minister - in turn prompting the assassination of
al-Banna by government agents on February 12, 1949.
That didn't end it. Under a new, more radical leader, Sayyid Qutb, the
al-Ikhwan fight for state power continued and escalated. A mid-1960s recruit
was Ayman al-Zawahiri, present number two man of al-Qaeda and the brains of
the organization.
Islamism, fascism and terrorism (Part 2)
By Marc Erikson
<http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/DK05Ak01.html> Islamism,
fascism and terrorism (Part 1) (Nov 5, '02)
Osama bin Laden has the money, proven organizational skills, combat
experience, and the charisma that can confer the air of wisdom and
profundity even on inchoate or trivial utterances and let what's
unfathomable appear to be deep in the eyes of his followers. But he's no
intellectual. The brains of al-Qaeda and its chief ideologue by most
accounts is Egyptian physician Ayman al-Zawahiri, 51, the organization's
number two man and former head of the Egyptian al-Jihad, which was merged
with bin Laden's outfit in February 1998 to form the "International Front
for Fighting Jews and Crusaders".
Al-Zawahiri hails from an elite Egyptian family. His father was a professor
at Cairo University's medical school from which Ayman graduated in 1974. His
paternal grandfather was the Grand Imam at the al-Azhar Institute, Sunni
Islam's paramount seat of learning. His great-uncle, Abdel-Rahman Azzam, was
the first secretary-general of the Arab League.
Such family background notwithstanding, perhaps because of it, al-Zawahiri
joined the radical Islamist Muslim Brotherhood (al-Ikhwan al-Muslimun) as a
young boy and was for the first time arrested in 1966 at age 15, when the
secular government of President Gamal Abdel Nasser rounded up thousands of
al-Ikhwan members and executed its top leaders in retribution for repeated
assassination attempts on the president. One of those executed by hanging
was chief ideologue Sayyid Qutb. Al-Zawahiri is Qutb's intellectual heir; he
has further developed his message, and is putting it into practise.
But without Qutb, present-day Islamism as a noxious amalgam of fascist
totalitarianism and extremes of Islamic fundamentalism would not exist. His
principal "accomplishment" was to articulate the social and political
practices of the Muslim Brotherhood from the 1930s through the 1950s -
including collaboration with fascist regimes and organizations, involvement
in anti-colonial, anti-Western and anti-Israeli actions, and the struggle
for state power in Egypt - in demagogically persuasive fashion, buttressed
by tendentious references to Islamic law and scriptures to deceive the
faithful. Qutb, a one-time literary critic, was not a religious
fundamentalist, but a Goebbels-style propagandist for a new totalitarianism
to stand side-by-side with fascism and communism.
Hitler's early 1933 accession to power in Germany was widely cheered by
Arabs of all different political persuasions. When the "Third Reich" spook
and horrors were over 12 years later, a favorite excuse among those who felt
the need for one was that the Nazis had been allies against the colonial
oppressors and "Zionist intruders". Many felt no need for an excuse at all
and simply bemoaned the fact that the Nazis' "final solution" to the "Jewish
problem" had not proved final enough. But affinities with fascism on the
part of the Muslim Brotherhood and other segments of Arab and Muslim society
went much deeper than collaboration with the enemy of one's enemies, and
collaboration itself took some extreme forms.
Substitute religious for racial purity, the idealized ummah of the rule of
the four righteous caliphs of the mid-7th century for the mythical Aryan
"Volksgemeinschaft", and most ideological and organizational precepts of
Nazism laid out by chief theoretician Alfred Rosenberg in his work The Myth
of the 20th Century and by Adolf Hitler in Mein Kampf, and later put into
practice, are in all essential respects identical to the precepts of the
Muslim Brotherhood after its initial phase as a group promoting spiritual
and moral reform. This ranges from radical rejection of "decadent" Western
political and economic liberalism (instead embracing the "leadership
principle" and corporatist organization of the economy) to endorsement of
the use of terror and assassinations to seize and hold state power, and all
the way to concoction of fantastical anti-Semitic conspiracy theories
linking international plutocratic finance to Freemasonry, Zionism and
all-encompassing Jewish world control.
Not surprisingly then, as Italian and German fascism sought greater stakes
in the Middle East in the 1930s and '40s to counter British and French
controlling power, close collaboration between fascist agents and Islamist
leaders ensued. During the 1936-39 Arab Revolt, Admiral Wilhelm Canaris,
head of German military intelligence, sent agents and money to support the
Palestine uprising against the British, as did Muslim Brotherhood founder
and "supreme guide" Hassan al-Banna. A key individual in the
fascist-Islamist nexus and go-between for the Nazis and al-Banna became the
Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin el-Husseini - incidentally the later
mentor (from 1946 onward) of a young firebrand by the name of Yasser Arafat.
Having fled from Palestine to Iraq, el-Husseini assisted there in the
short-lived April 1941 Nazi-inspired and financed anti-British coup. By June
1941, British forces had reasserted control in Baghdad and the mufti was on
the run again, this time via Tehran and Rome to Berlin, to a hero's welcome.
He remained in Germany as an honored guest and valuable intelligence and
propaganda asset through most of the war, met with Hitler on several
occasions, and personally recruited leading members of the Bosnian-Muslim
"Hanjar" (saber) division of the Waffen SS.
Another valued World War II Nazi collaborator was Youssef Nada, current
board chairman of al-Taqwa (Nada Management), the Lugano, Switzerland,
Liechtenstein, and Bahamas-based financial services outfit accused by the US
Treasury Department of money laundering for and financing of Osama bin
Laden's al-Qaeda. As a young man, he had joined the armed branch of the
"secret apparatus" (al-jihaz al-sirri) of the Muslim Brotherhood and then
was recruited by German military intelligence. When Grand Mufti el-Husseini
had to flee Germany in 1945 as the Nazi defeat loomed, Nada reportedly was
instrumental in arranging the escape via Switzerland back to Egypt and
eventually Palestine, where el-Husseini resurfaced in 1946.
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