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<http://www.latimes.com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-binladen20may20,1,6397
543.story?track=rss&ctrack=1&cset=true>
com/news/nationworld/nation/la-na-binladen20may20,1,6397543.story?track=rss&
ctrack=1&cset=true
Influx of Al Qaeda, money into Pakistan is seen
U.S. officials say the terrorist network's command base is increasingly
being funded by cash coming out of Iraq.
By Greg Miller, Times Staff Writer
May 20, 2007 

WASHINGTON - A major CIA effort launched last year to hunt down Osama bin
Laden has produced no significant leads on his whereabouts, but has helped
track an alarming increase in the movement of Al Qaeda operatives and money
into Pakistan's tribal territories, according to senior U.S. intelligence
officials familiar with the operation.

In one of the most troubling trends, U.S. officials said that Al Qaeda's
command base in Pakistan is increasingly being funded by cash coming out of
Iraq, where the terrorist network's operatives are raising substantial sums
from donations to the anti-American insurgency as well as kidnappings of
wealthy Iraqis and other criminal activity.

The influx of money has bolstered Al Qaeda's leadership ranks at a time when
the core command is regrouping and reasserting influence over its far-flung
network. The trend also signals a reversal in the traditional flow of Al
Qaeda funds, with the network's leadership surviving to a large extent on
money coming in from its most profitable franchise, rather than distributing
funds from headquarters to distant cells.

Al Qaeda's efforts were aided, intelligence officials said, by Pakistan's
withdrawal in September of tens of thousands of troops from the tribal areas
along the Afghanistan border where Bin Laden and his top deputy, Ayman
Zawahiri, are believed to be hiding.

Little more than a year ago, Al Qaeda's core command was thought to be in a
financial crunch. But U.S. officials said cash shipped from Iraq has eased
those troubles.

"Iraq is a big moneymaker for them," said a senior U.S. counter-terrorism
official.

The evolving picture of Al Qaeda's finances is based in part on intelligence
from an aggressive effort launched last year to intensify the pressure on
Bin Laden and his senior deputies.

As part of a so-called surge in personnel, the CIA deployed as many as 50
clandestine operatives to Pakistan and Afghanistan - a dramatic increase
over the number of CIA case officers permanently stationed in those
countries. All of the new arrivals were given the primary objective of
finding what counter-terrorism officials call "HVT1" and "HVT2." Those "high
value target" designations refer to Bin Laden and Zawahiri.

The surge was part of a broader shake-up at the CIA designed to refocus on
the hunt for Bin Laden, officials said. One former high-ranking agency
official said the CIA had formed a task force that involved officials from
all four directorates at the agency, including analysts, scientists and
technical experts, as well as covert operators.

The officials were charged with reinvigorating a search that had atrophied
when some U.S. intelligence assets and special forces teams were pulled out
of Afghanistan in 2002 to prepare for the war with Iraq.

Arduous search

Nevertheless, U.S. intelligence and military officials said, the surge has
yet to produce a single lead on Bin Laden's or Zawahiri's location that
could be substantiated.

"We're not any closer," said a senior U.S. military official who monitors
the intelligence on the hunt for Bin Laden.

The lack of progress underscores the difficulty of the search more than five
years after the Sept. 11 attacks. Despite a $25-million U.S. reward, current
and former intelligence officials said, the United States has not had a lead
on Bin Laden since he fled American and Afghan forces in the Tora Bora
region of Afghanistan in early 2002.

"We've had no significant report of him being anywhere," said a former
senior CIA official who, like others interviewed for this article, spoke on
condition of anonymity when discussing U.S. intelligence operations. U.S.
spy agencies have not even had information that "you could validate
historically," the official said, meaning a tip on a previous Bin Laden
location that could subsequently be verified.

President Bush is given detailed presentations on the hunt's progress every
two to four months, in addition to routine counter-terrorism briefings,
intelligence officials said.

The presentations include "complex schematics, search patterns, what we're
doing, where the Predator flies," said one participant, referring to flights
by unmanned airplanes used in the search. The CIA has even used sand models
to illustrate the topography of the mountainous terrain where Bin Laden is
believed to be hiding.

Still, officials said, they have been unable to answer the basic question of
whether they are getting closer to their target.

"Any prediction on when we're going to get him is just ridiculous," said the
senior U.S. counter-terrorism official. "It could be a year from now or the
Pakistanis could be in the process of getting him right now."

In a written response to questions from The Times, the CIA said it "does not
as a rule discuss publicly the details of clandestine operations," but
acknowledged it had stepped up operations against Bin Laden and defended
their effectiveness.

"The surge has been modest in size, here and overseas, but has added new
skills and fresh thinking to the fight against a resilient and adaptive
foe," CIA spokesman Paul Gimigliano said in the statement. "It has paid off,
generating more information about Al Qaeda and helping take terrorists off
the street."

The CIA spies are part of a broader espionage arsenal aimed at Bin Laden and
Zawahiri that includes satellites, electronic eavesdropping stations and the
unmanned airplanes.

Pakistan pullout

Current and former U.S. intelligence officials involved in the surge said it
had been hobbled by a number of other developments. Chief among them, they
said, was Pakistan's troop pullout last year from border regions where the
hunt has been focused.

Just months after the CIA deployed dozens of additional operatives to its
station in Islamabad - as well as bases in Peshawar and other locations -
Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf announced "peace agreements" with
tribal leaders in Waziristan.

Driven by domestic political pressures and rising anti-American sentiment,
the agreements called for the tribes to rein in the activities of foreign
fighters, and bar them from launching attacks in Afghanistan, in exchange
for a Pakistani military pullback.

But U.S. officials said there was little evidence that the tribal groups had
followed through.

"Everything was undermined by the so-called peace agreement in north
Waziristan," said a senior U.S. intelligence official responsible for
overseeing counter-terrorism operations. "Of all the things that work
against us in the global war on terror, that's the most damaging
development. The one thing Al Qaeda needs to plan an attack is a relatively
safe place to operate."

Some in the administration initially expressed concern over the Pakistani
move, but Bush later praised it, following a White House meeting with
Musharraf.

The pullback took significant pressure off Al Qaeda leaders and the tribal
groups protecting them. It also made travel easier for operatives migrating
to Pakistan after taking part in the insurgency in Iraq.

Some of these veterans are leading training at newly established camps, and
are positioned to become the "next generation of leadership" in the
organization, said the former senior CIA official.

"Al Qaeda is dependent on a lot of leaders coming out of Iraq for its own
viability," said the former official, who recently left the agency. "It's
these sorts of guys who carry out operations."

The former official added that the resurgent Taliban forces in Afghanistan
are "being schooled" by Al Qaeda operatives with experience fighting U.S.
forces in Iraq.

The administration's concern was underscored when Vice President Dick Cheney
and Deputy CIA Director Stephen Kappes visited Musharraf in Pakistan in
February to prod him to crack down on Al Qaeda and its training camps.

The Pakistani pullback also has reopened financial channels that had been
constricted by the military presence.

The senior U.S. counter-terrorism official said there were "lots of
indications they can move people in and out easier," and that operatives
from Iraq often bring cash.

"A year ago we were saying they were having serious money problems," the
official said. "That seems to have eased up."

The cash is mainly U.S. currency in relatively modest sums - tens of
thousands of dollars. The scale of the payments suggests the money is not
meant for funding elaborate terrorist plots, but instead for covering the
day-to-day costs of Al Qaeda's command: paying off tribal leaders, hiring
security and buying provisions.

Contributors mobilized

Al Qaeda in Mesopotamia, as the network's Iraq branch is known, has drawn
increasingly large contributions from elsewhere in the Muslim world -
largely because the fight against U.S. forces has mobilized donors across
the Middle East, officials said.

"Success in Iraq and Afghanistan is the reason people are contributing
again, with money and private contributions coming back in from the Gulf,"
said the senior U.S. counter-terrorism official. He added that Al Qaeda in
Mesopotamia also has become an effective criminal enterprise.

"The insurgents have great businesses they run: stealing cars, kidnapping
people, protection money," the counter-terrorism official said. The former
CIA official said the activity is so extensive that the "ransom-for-profit
business in Iraq reminds me of Colombia and Mexico in the 1980s and '90s."

U.S. officials got a glimpse of the Al Qaeda leadership's financial
dependency when American forces intercepted a lengthy letter Zawahiri sent
to now-deceased Iraq insurgent leader Abu Musab Zarqawi in 2005. In the
letter, Zawahiri alluded to financial difficulties, saying "the lines have
been cut off," and asked Zarqawi for fresh funds.

"We need a payment while new lines are being opened," Zawahiri wrote,
according to a translation released publicly by the U.S. government. "So, if
you're capable of sending a payment of approximately one hundred thousand,
we'll be very grateful to you."

The payments appear to have given Al Qaeda leaders in Iraq new influence in
the organization, officials said. In particular, officials noted that
Zawahiri appears to have abandoned his effort to persuade Sunni Arab
insurgents not to divide Muslims by striking Shiites, and has more recently
moved closer to sanctioning such bloodshed.

U.S. officials believe they had Zawahiri in their sights on at least one
occasion. Acting on reports that Zawahiri was to attend an Al Qaeda
gathering in a remote village in northwest Pakistan in January 2006, the CIA
launched a missile strike on the compound, missing Zawahiri but killing a
senior Al Qaeda operations commander. U.S. officials believe Zawahiri
changed plans at the last minute.

Within months of that strike, the CIA began sending dozens of additional
case officers to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

The impetus for the surge is unclear. Several former CIA officials said it
was launched at the direction of former CIA Director Porter J. Goss, and
that the White House had been pushing the agency to step up the effort to
find Bin Laden.

But the CIA disputed those accounts, saying in its written statement that
"this initiative was and is driven solely by operational considerations."
The effort, according to CIA spokesman Gimigliano, grew out of an assessment
in mid-2005 in which "the agency itself identified changes in the
operational landscape against Al Qaeda."

Several months before the surge, the CIA disbanded a special unit known as
"Alec Station" that had led the search for Bin Laden. At the time, the move
was seen as a sign that the hunt was being downgraded, but officials said it
was a prelude to a broader reorganization.

The surge included what one former CIA official described as a "new breed"
of spy developed since the Sept. 11 attacks. These so-called "targeting
officers" are given a blend of analytic and operational training to become
specialists in sifting clues to the locations of high-value fugitives.

The CIA's ability to send spies into the tribal region is limited, officials
said.

"We can't go into the tribal areas without protection," said the former CIA
official who was involved in the planning of the surge. "For the most part
they have to travel with [the Pakistan intelligence service] and their
footprint is not small because they're worried about getting shot too."

Instead, the effort is designed to cultivate sources in the outer perimeters
of the security networks that guard Bin Laden, and gradually work inward.

The aim, another former CIA official said, is "to find people who had access
to people who had access to his movements. It's pretty basic stuff."

greg.miller@ <mailto:greg.miller%40latimes.com> latimes.com



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