Back With a Vengeance


BY DANIEL JOHNSON
September 27, 2007
URL: http://www.nysun.com/article/63529

Dictators are back with a vengeance. In Rangoon the Burmese junta butchers
Buddhist monks, while over at the United Nations the international community
wrings its hands. The world needs a new Charlie Chaplin to do justice to the
grotesque spectacle of Robert Mugabe comparing President Bush and Tony Blair
to Hitler and Mussolini. But the president of Iran is in deadly earnest: a
nuclear 9/11 is beyond satire.

Mahmoud Ahmadinejad must be pleased with his visit to New York. By using the
world's most dramatic metropolis as a grandiose backdrop, he has guaranteed
himself a global audience for his vile propaganda.

Nothing new in that, you may say. The president of Iran is merely following
in the footsteps of Khrushchev, Arafat, and other despots who used the U.N.
as a platform for their own self-aggrandizement. Mr. Ahmadinejad's
travelling circus, however, is more ambitious than anything seen before. And
it requires a very different response if he is to be prevented from doing
grave harm.

The Dean of Columbia's School of International and Public Affairs, John
Coatsworth, told an interviewer that Columbia would have invited Hitler
himself. This seems to be taking the concept of freedom of speech a little
too far. Fortunately, the opportunity never arose because the great
dictators of the past did not, in general, like to appear abroad. Hitler
rarely travelled beyond the borders of Germany and Austria, where his public
appearances could be carefully staged. He expected foreign leaders to come
to him, as Neville Chamberlain did to Munich, with disastrous results.

Mussolini was much the same. Soon after he gained power, the Duce put in an
appearance at the Locarno Conference in 1925, where European statesman had
gathered to sign a peace pact. Mussolini was annoyed that his proposal to
hold the summit in Rome had been turned down in favour of neutral
Switzerland, though he made up for it with a spectacular entrance, arriving
by speedboat on the lake. Thereafter, he rarely set foot outside Italy.

Stalin, too, demanded that those who wished to speak to him should come to
Moscow. When Hitler offered a secret treaty to carve up Poland and the
Baltic States in 1939, neither dictator would risk his prestige by flying to
the other's capital, so the pact was signed by the two foreign ministers,
Ribbentrop and Molotov, instead.

The Nazi invasion made Stalin even more morbidly suspicious, and more than
two years passed before he would agree to meet with the other Allied leaders
abroad. Only after the decisive battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, when the
tide had turned in his favor, did Stalin join Roosevelt and Churchill at
Tehran in November 1943.

The advent of television gave dictators new opportunities for global
grandstanding, but it took a long time for them to grasp its potential. Mao
neither travelled the world nor broadcast to it either, instead preferring
the oriental tradition of the ruler shrouding himself in secrecy. His
Chinese communist successors have followed suit.

Of Stalin's successors, Nikita Khrushchev alone saw the propaganda value of
appearing in person abroad, but the first Soviet leader to exploit it to the
full was also the last: Mikhail Gorbachev. Globetrotting was left to the
second rank dictators - Josip Broz Tito, Fidel Castro, Robert Mugabe, Hugo
Chavez.

In the Islamic world, the demagogic example of the Egyptian pan-Arabist
Gamal Nasser was followed by others. The Libyan tyrant Muammar Gaddafi has
what passes for charisma, but his support for terrorism caused him to be
ostracized in the West, which limited his chances to satisfy his insatiable
appetite for the limelight.

Saddam Hussein, his rival for Arab hegemony, rarely left Iraq for fear of
being overthrown. Yasser Arafat was only too happy to fill the vacuum,
despite his unprepossessing appearance, and his carefully choreographed
appearances transformed him from pariah to patriarch. The most improbable
press star of all, Ayatollah Khomeini, used his rare appearances in Parisian
exile to turn himself into a symbol of Islamic revolution. Now, however, it
is the cadaverous visage of Mr. Khomeini's even more bloodthirsty disciple,
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, that is suddenly ubiquitous on our front pages and
screens. The most illiberal of regimes has turned the tables on the most
liberal of societies. To reduce a great university to the level of a bully
pulpit is quite an achievement. His choice of venue is not, however,
accidental. The universities of the West have done more to undermine its
values than any other institutions, and they harbor some of the most extreme
forms of self-hatred.

Mr. Ahmadinejad thus is not just trying to grab a little free publicity: he
seriously intends to test the readiness of liberals to give America's
declared enemies the benefit of the doubt. Confident that the virtues that
used to underpin a free society have been hollowed out by a generation of
radical relativism dressed up as postmodernism, the Iranians judge that the
American campus is ripe for an Islamist takeover. His challenge to the
historicity of the Holocaust is an Archimedean lever to overturn the moral
basis of Western civilization.

New Yorkers have not taken this challenge lying down, I am glad to say.
Their protests echoed around the world. But this is only an Iranian
reconnaissance raid in what promises to be a long-term attempt to take the
cultural jihad into the heart of America.

In this propaganda offensive, the U.N. acts as a Trojan horse, the
diplomatic pretext for Mr. Ahmadinejad's attempt to hijack the American
public square. It's time that New Yorkers asked themselves whether the price
of playing host to the U.N. is not too high. I wonder whether the Iranian
president would be quite so eager to speak at the U.N. if it were not sited
in Manhattan, but in, say, Mogadishu.

.
 
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