Only a terrorist sympathizer would think so...and one ignorant of military
tactics and capabilities.
 
B
 

http://www.ajc.com/opinion/content/opinion/bookman/stories/2007/09/26/bookma
ned_0927.html
 
War with Iran would be lose-lose plan

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Published on: 09/27/07 

We are already fighting two wars, in Afghanistan and Iraq, with mixed
results and no sense that victory might be imminent. Our military is
straining under that burden, and international support for U.S. policies are
at an all-time low.

Yet there are some in Washington and elsewhere, including at the upper
levels of the Bush administration, who are flirting with the idea of
launching a third war, this time against Iran.

It is crazy talk, the rhetoric of fools. But still you hear it, like a
gathering murmur, rising from the same power-addled souls who promised us we
would be greeted as liberators in Iraq. And we have seen where such talk can
lead us if it is left unchallenged.

The case for military action centers on two things: Iran's apparent pursuit
of nuclear weapons, in defiance of international treaties, and its
destructive meddling in Iraq's affairs. Both are valid and deadly serious
concerns. Preventing Iran from going nuclear, for example, has to be a
primary goal of U.S. foreign policy.

As those who itch for war point out, there's also little doubt that the
Iranian regime is supplying weapons and perhaps training to Shiite militias
in Iraq, who in turn have used those weapons to kill U.S. soldiers and
Marines. In fact, given Iran's strategic situation - it is squeezed between
Afghanistan to the east and Iraq to the west, both occupied by its American
enemies - it's foolish to believe the Iranians would respond in any other
way.

With U.S. troops already overextended in Iraq and Afghanistan, the only
military options available are attacks by U.S. planes against Iranian
targets, particularly its nuclear infrastructure. Unfortunately, such
attacks are not likely to be very effective. Those facilities have been
hardened against attack and spread around the country in anticipation of
just such a situation, and most military experts believe that bombing alone
would set Iran's weapons program back by a few years at most.

On the other hand, such attacks would probably rally Iranian public opinion
around its repressive government, making long-term regime change less
likely. It would also bolster Iranian determination to acquire nuclear
weapons in the future, so no one would ever dare attack it that way again.

Furthermore, Iran would almost certainly respond to attacks on its territory
by increasing the flow of weapons into Iraq, and the chances of a general
uprising in Iraq against U.S. forces would increase considerably. Our long
military supply lines from Kuwait to Baghdad - carrying essential fuel,
food, weapons and ammunition through southern Iraq - would also be
vulnerable to Iran's Shiite militia allies, especially as the British
withdraw from that region.

In addition, Iran would also try to choke off the flow of oil through the
strategic Strait of Hormuz, where many of the world's oil tankers transit,
with enormous economic ramifications.

We usually think of war as a win-lose proposition, and assume that America,
with its overwhelming military power, will always walk away with the W. The
reality is that a lot of wars turn out to be lose-lose propositions, with
neither side achieving its goals. Saddam certainly didn't win his war with
the United States, for example, but it's hard to argue that we won either.
Likewise, Iran couldn't hope to win a war against us, but we would probably
be losers too.

By attacking Iran as its time in office expires, the Bush administration
would hand the next administration an even bigger catastrophe in the Middle
East. It would also close the door on almost all nonmilitary options a new
administration might want to pursue for resolving the crisis with Iran and
with the larger Islamic world as well.

In fact, the resulting cycle of violence could very well force the United
States to increase, rather than draw down, its military commitment to the
Middle East, perhaps even requiring a draft.

Most political leaders would consider it irresponsible to force such a
choice on a successor. But you get the feeling that for some in the Bush
administration, that would be the whole idea.

 



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