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Iraqi cleric resumes seminary studies to attain ayatollah status
December 13, 2007 - 4:34 pm
By: Hamza Hendawi And Qassim Abdul-Zahra, THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

BAGHDAD - The leader of Iraq's biggest Shiite militia movement has
quietly resumed seminary studies toward attaining the title of
ayatollah, a goal that could make firebrand cleric Muqtada al-Sadr and
his Mahdi Army an even more formidable power broker in Iraq.

Al-Sadr's objectives, described to The Associated Press by close
aides, are part of increasingly bitter Shiite-on-Shiite battles for
control of Iraq's southern oil fields, the lucrative pilgrim trade to
Shiite holy cities and the country's strategic Persian Gulf outlet.

The endgame among Iraq's majority Shiites also means long-term
influence over Iraqi political and financial affairs as the Pentagon
and its allies look to scale down their military presence in the
coming year.

Al-Sadr's backers remain main players in the showdowns across the
region, where fears of even more bloodshed are rising following
Wednesday's triple car bombing in one of the area's main urban hubs.
At least 25 people were killed and scores wounded.

But al-Sadr, who was last seen publicly in May, is also confronting
the most serious challenges to his influence, which includes sway over
a bloc in parliament and a militia force that numbers as many as
60,000 by some estimates.

Becoming an ayatollah, one of the highest Shiite clerical positions,
would give al-Sadr, 33, an important new voice and aura.

It also would give him fresh clout to challenge his top rival, the
Supreme Islamic Iraqi Council, which looks to Iranian-born Grand
Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani as its highest religious authority and has
its own armed wing, the Badr Brigade, which have been largely absorbed
into Iraqi security forces.

Al-Sadr often stresses his Iraqi and Arab roots and rejects
suggestions that he is beholden to Persian Iran, the world's Shiite
heavyweight and the benefactor of many Shiite politicians.

As an ayatollah, his views and fatwas, or religious edicts, would
resonate with even more authority as the battles heat up for sway over
Iraq's Shiite heartland.

Comparisons are often drawn between al-Sadr's strategy, a mix of
militia strength, well-tuned street politics and social outreach, and
the hallmarks of Hezbollah, which has been influenced by Lebanon's top
Shiite cleric, Grand Ayatollah Mohammed Hussein Fadlallah, as well
Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, founder of Iran's 1979 Islam Revolution.

"If ... Muqtada becomes a religious authority, the entire movement
will grow stronger," said one of the aides who described al-Sadr's
seminary studies to the AP.

The al-Sadr associates - three in all - spoke on condition of
anonymity because they are not authorized to share the information
with the media. Their accounts, made in separate interviews, were in
broad agreement.

Al-Sadr currently has the relatively low title of hojat al-Islam,
which leaves his supporters no choice but to seek religious guidance
from top establishment clerics, many of whom al-Sadr sees as out of
touch with common Iraqis and accuses of acquiescing to Washington's
demands.

The aides said al-Sadr was currently on a path to achieve ayatollah
rank possibly by 2010 or earlier. His studies were under the
supervision of senior clerics in the Shiite holy city of Najaf, where
al-Sadr's Mahdi Army fought grinding urban battles with U.S. forces in
2004.

In 2000, al-Sadr enrolled in "outside research," oughly the equivalent
of a doctoral program. Afghan-born Grand Ayatollah Ahmed Issaq
al-Fayadh, one of Najaf's four top clerics, supervised him when he
joined, but al-Sadr's attendance has been spotty since 2003.

Successful candidates qualify for ayatollah upon completion of the
rigorous Islamic studies. But it's also necessary to have a family
pedigree in Islamic scholarship and a following among seminary
students and laymen.

Al-Sadr should have no problem. His father, Grand Ayatollah Mohammed
Sadeq al-Sadr, is the namesake for the teeming Shiite district in
Baghdad known as Sadr City, called Saddam City before the 2003
U.S.-led invasion.

Saddam Hussein's agents killed al-Sadr's father and two brothers in 1999.

Significantly, the aides said, the main focus of al-Sadr's studies has
been the Shiite doctrine known in Arabic as "wilayet al-faqeeh," which
supports the right of clerical rule. The concept was adopted Iran's
Khomeini, but carries little support among Iraq's Shiite religious
hierarchy.

Al-Sadr has not been seen in public since May but is believed to
travel frequently between Iran and Najaf. His whereabouts are never
revealed by his aides and he rarely gives media interviews.

Al-Sadr also is seeking to give the Mahdi Army a more religious
bloodline, the aides said.

Some militiamen are taking seminary lessons for three hours a day,
five days a week in private homes and out-of-the-way mosques to escape
the detection of the U.S. military.

The aides said only those who pass seminary exams will remain in the
militia, which has been splintered by defections from factions
favouring closer ties with Iran and opposing an order in August to put
down weapons for six months.

The move was seen as an attempt by al-Sadr to reclaim control of the
militia and weed out mutineers. It has been credited for a noticeable
reduction in violence, but appears to have emboldened the U.S.
military to step up a crackdown against Mahdi leaders.

The cleric's absence from the public eye has raised some questions
about his control of the movement, although his aides said he has been
in regular contact with key lieutenants. His loyalists hold 30 of
parliament's 275 seats, the largest share by a single party.

"The movement's strength and cohesion don't revolve around al-Sadr
alone," said Saad al-Hadeithi, a political science lecture at Baghdad
university. "Al-Sadr is leading a movement that's largely held
together by the historical legacy of the family."

It's also fueled by the intense rivalry with the Supreme Islamic Iraqi
Council and its leader, Abdul-Aziz al-Hakim, who also carries a bloody
family narrative.

The group's founder, Grand Ayatollah Mohammed Baqir al-Hakim, was
assassinated in August 2003 in a bombing blamed on Sunni militants.

The younger al-Hakim holds the same hojat al-Islam rank as al-Sadr.

Al-Sadr pulled out his ministers from the Shiite-dominated government
in April and later pulled out from the umbrella Shiite alliance in
parliament.

Tensions in southern Iraq have risen sharply in recent weeks as the
United States and Britain prepare to scale down their presence,
leaving behind a potentially dangerous power vacuum.

Next week, Britain plans to hand over control of Basra province, the
most important in the south. The Pentagon has diverted much of its
attention to battles in central and northern Iraq against Sunni
extremists, including "al-Qaida in Iraq."

In his latest statement, however, al-Sadr counselled his followers to
be patient in the face of "predicament" and commended them on their
adherence to his order to stand down. But the aides said al-Sadr's own
patience may be running thin and a showdown with the Supreme Islamic
Iraqi Council may be imminent.

"If this continues for much longer, the Sadrist movement will strike
back," warned one of the aides. "This could have grave consequences
for everyone."

BECOMING AN AYATOLLAH: Eight years of classes in religious studies,
followed by research that can take a minimum of four years or far
longer. The candidate also must be supported by Islamic seminarians
and laymen.

OTHER SHIITE RANKS: First rank for a seminary student is "hojat
al-Islam." The next is "ayatollah." The highest is "grand ayatollah,"
which must be supported by seminary authorities.

WHAT IS A FATWA?: It's the opinion of a top Islamic cleric. A fatwa
can cover nearly any subject from religious issues to social matters.
There are differing views among Muslims on whether fatwas are binding
or advisory.



 


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