Richardson's intellectual meltdown in the past weeks has been painful to
watch.  The guy possesses by far the most impressive resume on the DemocRat
side, and yet...

--S.



http://article.nationalreview.com/?q=MzRmMGYzMzVjZGRkMWE0OWViZjE3Yzg2MDY0Y2U
1ZmU=

The Best-Laid Five-Minute Plans of Bill Richardson.
After Bhutto.

By Mark Steyn

It's tempting to rerun my column on Pakistan from a month ago. Not because I
predicted the assassination of Benazir Bhutto or offered any other great
insight, but rather for the opposite reason: "Everyone's an expert on
Pakistan, a faraway country of which we know everything:
General Musharraf should do this, he shouldn't have done that, the State
Department should lean on him to do the other. Well, I dunno. It seems to me
a certain humility is appropriate when offering advice to Islamabad."

Oh, well. In the stampede of instant experts unveiling their Pakistani
solutions-in-a-box, some contributions are worthy of special attention.
Governor Bill Richardson of New Mexico, who is apparently running for the
Democratic presidential nomination, was in no doubt about what needs to
happen in the next, oh, 48 hours:

"President Bush should press Musharraf to step aside, and a broad-based
coalition government, consisting of all the democratic parties, should be
formed immediately... It is in the interests of the U.S. that there be a
democratic Pakistan that relentlessly hunts down terrorists."

Wow. Who knew it was that easy?

Except maybe it isn't. A "broad-based coalition" of "all the democratic
parties" would be a ramshackle collection of socialists, kleptocrats, tribal
gladhanders and Islamists. Whether this is the horse to back if you're
looking for a team that "relentlessly hunts down terrorists"is, to say the
least, uncertain.

But, since Governor Bill Richardson brought it up, it's worth considering
what exactly "the interests of the U.S." are in Pakistan.
The most immediate interest is in preventing the country's tribal lands from
becoming this decade's Afghanistan - a huge Camp Osama graduating jihadist
alumni from all over the world. That ship, if it hasn't already sailed, has
certainly cast off and is chugging out the harbor. Something called "the
Islamic Emirate of Waziristan" now operates a local franchise of Taliban
rule in both north and south Waziristan, and is formally recognized by the
Pakistan government in the Islamabad-Waziri treaty of just over a year ago.
Officially, the treaty was intended to negotiate a truce, although to those
unversed in the machinations of tribal politics it looked a lot more like a
capitulation, an interpretation encouraged by the signing ceremony, which
took place in a soccer stadium flying the flag of al-Qaeda.

Of course, the "Federally Administered Tribal Areas" have always been
somewhat loosely governed Federal Administration-wise. In the new issue of
The Claremont Review Of Books, Stanley Kurtz's fascinating round-up of
various tomes by Akbar Ahmed (recently Pakistan's High Commissioner in
London and before that Political Agent in Waziristan) mentions en passant a
factoid I vaguely remember from my schooldays - that even at the height of
imperial power, the laws of British India, by treaty and tradition, only
governed 100 yards either side of Waziristan's main roads. Once you were off
the shoulder, you were subject to the rule of various "maliks" (tribal
bigshots). The British prided themselves on an ability to run the joint at
arm's length through discreet subsidy of favored locals. As a young
lieutenant with the Malakand Field Force, Winston Churchill found the wiles
of Sir Harold Deane, chief commissioner of the North-West Frontier Province,
a tad frustrating. "We had with us a very brilliant political officer, a
Major Deane, who was most disliked because he always stopped military
operations," recalled Churchill. "Apparently all these savage chiefs were
his old friends and almost his blood relations. Nothing disturbed their
friendship. In between fights, they talked as man to man and as pal to pal."

The benign interpretation of Musharraf's recent moves is that he's doing a
Major Deane. The reality is somewhat bleaker: Today, even that 200-yard
corridor of nominal sovereignty has gone and Islamabad's Political Agent is
a much shrunken figure compared to his predecessors from the Raj. That
doesn't mean "foreign" influence is impossible in Waziristan. Osama bin
Laden is, after all, a foreigner, and so are many of the other al-Qaeda
A-listers holed up in the tribal lands. Jihadists arrested recently in
Britain, Germany and Scandinavia all spent time training in Waziristan, as
do Chechen rebels. If another big hit on the US mainland is currently in the
works, it's safe to say it's being plotted somewhere in Pakistan's tribal
areas.

It's easy to tell Musharraf what he should do. Over one thousand Pakistani
soldiers have been killed fighting Islamists in Waziristan and other tribal
lands. That would be a lot even for an army solidly behind Musharraf. But in
Pakistan every institution charged with "relentlessly hunting down
terrorists" has, to one degree or another, been subverted by them:
Pakistan's military - the least corrupt agency in the country - and its
intelligence service, the ISI, are both riddled with Islamist sympathizers.
As Churchill noted, the British had a fondness for the more bloodcurdling
Pushtun warriors: In 1939, for example, Lieutenant-Colonel Peter Sanders
accepted an invitation to tikala
(lunch) from the tribesman who'd blown him up. The Pushtun apologized for
costing the Colonel his right arm, and the Colonel accepted the apology and
raised his glass in a presumably left-handed toast, and they got on
splendidly and had a whale of a time. But a mutual respect between
combatants is very different from the ties that bind Taliban leaders in
Waziristan with elements of the Pakistani military and intelligence service:
Two groups, nominally at war with each other, nevertheless share
indistinguishable views on the joys of hardline sharia and the wickedness of
the United States.

One way to look at what's happened over the last five years is simply that
Afghanistan and Pakistan have swapped roles. In the Eighties, Washington
used Pakistan to subvert Afghanistan. Since the fall of Mullah Omar, the
Taliban, a monster incubated by Pakistan, has swarmed back across the border
and begun subverting Pakistan. Today, it's the tribal lands that have a
200-yard corridor through the rest of the country, exporting Islamist values
through the network of madrassahs to the fierce young men in the cities.
Just as the Taliban eventually seized control of Afghanistan, so they
believe they'll one day control Pakistan. Stan-wise, the principal
difference is that control of the latter will bring them a big bunch of
nukes. Meanwhile, life goes on.
Just as the tribal lands seem to be swallowing Pakistan, so Pakistan is
swallowing much of the world. It exports its manpower and its customs around
the globe, and Pakistani communities in the heart of west have provided the
London School of Economics student who masterminded the beheading of Daniel
Pearl, the Torontonians who plotted to do the same to the Canadian Prime
Minister, and the Yorkshiremen who pulled off the London Tube bombing. Saudi
men pay lip service to Wahhabist ideology but it rouses very few of them
from their customary torpor. In Pakistan, Islamism spurs a lot more action.

No people are immutable. It's worth noting that Muslims next door in India
are antipathetic to jihad. Yet they are ethnically and religiously
indistinguishable from the fellows in Islamabad wiring up one-year old
babies as unwitting suicide bombers. The only reason one's an Indian and the
other's a Pakistani is because of where some British cartographer decided to
draw the line in 1947. Since then, Indian Muslims have been functioning
members of a modern pluralist democracy, while Pakistani Muslims have been
mired in incompetence, backwardness and dictatorship, and embraced jihadism
as the most viable escape route. Reversing that pathology would have been
beyond Benazir Bhutto's pretty face. Or even the best-laid five-minute plans
of Bill Richardson.





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