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The tide has turned


Oliver Kamm


January 21, 2008 8:00 PM

Jonathan Steele's account
<http://www.guardian.co.uk/Columnists/Column/0,,2244206,00.html>  of the
defeat of western intervention in Iraq must have seemed a good idea in
conception. Steele now has to make the best of the circumstance that, while
his book was in press, events undermined him. Barring a fleeting reference
to the multinational force's success in suppressing al-Qaida, his article
this week might have been written a year ago for all its acknowledgement of
Iraq's recent history.

I supported the Iraq war and would do so again. It was - to invoke
Talleyrand's terminology - neither a crime nor a blunder to overthrow a
gangster regime that was in breach of the UN security council resolutions
(among many others) that marked the conditions for ceasefire in the first
Gulf war in 1991. But it was nearly a failure. Culpable negligence by the
Bush administration left post-Saddam Iraq without a functioning state. The
combined forces of Baathism and jihadism (grotesquely lauded by some
columnists on this newspaper as the "resistance") opportunistically filled
that vacuum, with unmitigated barbarism and an appalling civilian death
toll. 

Steele believes <http://www.guardian.co.uk/g2/story/0,,2244113,00.html>
defeat was foreordained, and scorns the notion that "a more intelligent and
efficient occupation could have worked". It is, in fact, not difficult to
see how a better strategy - in particular, one with more troops - might have
worked after the fall of Saddam. That strategy has, after all, demonstrably
produced results since President Bush changed course a year ago and
appointed General David Petraeus as commander of the multinational force.
Most important, Iraqis are safer since the surge in US troops reached full
strength last June. According to Petraeus, speaking last month: "Every trend
we watch is down roughly about 60%: civilian deaths, numbers of attacks, and
thankfully our casualties are down as well."

That outcome is not fortuitous. I was fortunate to meet General Petraeus,
and listen to his assessment of Iraq's security needs, before he took up his
post. He has continually insisted that security is the prerequisite for
political progress. To write of the surge's achievements is not to prettify
the quality of life in Baghdad and its surrounding areas. But the successes
- notably in turning Iraqi Sunnis in Anbar province and elsewhere against
al-Qaida - are of the highest importance. 

Al-Qaida sought to destroy nascent constitutional authority in Iraq. It is
being rebuffed on the ground that it chose. Alongside the surge in US
troops, there has been a surge in the recruitment of additional Iraqi troops
and police. While acknowledging the sectarian character of the Maliki
government and its failure to achieve conciliation at national level,
Petraeus undemonstratively created facts on the ground. 

Government sclerosis is no longer an insuperable obstacle to political
advance. Iraq is far from a fully-fledged federal democracy, but neither
does it conform to Steele's tendentious depiction of a project that lies in
ruins. Two years ago, after the bombing of the Golden Dome mosque in
Samarra, Iraq was
<http://observer.guardian.co.uk/magazine/story/0,,1977181,00.html>  in a
state of incipient civil war. Now the US has belatedly found an effective
counterinsurgency strategy, and the war against Baathism and jihadism is
winnable. There is a serious prospect, at least, of a decentralised and
pluralist Iraq where constitutional authority has something approaching a
monopoly of the means of force. 

I do not expect Guardian readers to share my admiration for Tony Blair's
foreign policies. But it would be perverse for them to accept Steele's
caricature of what has been achieved or deny the importance of Iraq's
prospects to our security. One point the much-reviled neoconservatives have
right is that Islamist terrorism has deep roots in the perpetuation of
autocratic states in the Middle East. Denied an outlet in politics, dissent
emerges in the only part of society open to it: religious fanaticism. The
overthrow of the most bestial of despotisms in that region removes a crucial
player and an appalling dynasty from that equation. 

We can, moreover, verifiably assert that two of the states in the region
that previously held WMD - Iraq and Libya - no longer do so, owing directly
to our intervention. If Iran did indeed suspend the more overtly military
aspects of its nuclear programme (though not uranium enrichment, for which
its civil nuclear programme has no need) in late 2003, that is also
suggestive that Saddam's overthrow gave greater impetus to the cause of
nuclear non-proliferation than CND cares to acknowledge. 

A year after Saddam's overthrow, the Nobel Peace Laureate José Ramos Horta
said
<http://jeffweintraub.blogspot.com/2004/08/jos-ramos-horta-silence-in-face-o
f.html> : "If I were a political leader of any consequence and I was asked a
question regarding the options for Iraq, I would say that retreating and
conceding victory to the terrorists is not an option - for the consequences
are far too high to contemplate." Among the many errors and periodic
disasters of post-war policy in Iraq, that one - the most damaging of any
course we might take - has been avoided. Our allies in the region facing
down the forces of theocratic reaction deserve nothing less than our
continued commitment. 

 <http://www.guardian.co.uk/g2/story/0,,2244113,00.html>  

 



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