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Saturday, February 2, 2008 - Page updated at 12:00 AM

The hard lessons of an expert on terror 

By Greg Krikorian 
Los Angeles Times 

Brian Jenkins knows terror. It's personal.

As a university student in Guatemala, he endured harrowing military
interrogations because his friends and classmates included anti-government
guerrillas. As a member of the U.S. Army's Green Berets, he served in
Vietnam and witnessed terrorism up close as a tactic of the Viet Cong.

And as a young analyst for Santa Monica, Calif.-based Rand Corp., he
launched the think tank's terrorism research program nearly 40 years ago,
tracking attacks on 3-by-5 index cards. Today his database fills hard
drives, and he has become one of the world's top authorities on the subject.

In some ways, Jenkins knows too much. He is immersed routinely in risk
assessments and intelligence reports brimming with the stuff of nightmares.
His assessment: "We are not going to end terrorism, not in any future I
see."

Yet, he exudes calm. He is a relaxed frequent flier, traveling more than
200,000 miles a year, much of it to terrorism conferences or briefings.

In the war on terrorism, he says, "we have to have a better understanding of
what we're up against." Demonizing terrorists as "wicked and evil" plays
into their hands; learning about "their quantifiable goals and
understandable motives" demystifies them.

Knowledge, he says, is the antidote to anxiety.

The challenge is complicated, however, by evolution. Terrorist methods,
motives and members keep changing.

So, he remains a full-time student of terrorism. For that, Brian Michael
Jenkins, 65, relies not only on the latest classified reports but on
experience.

Guatemala City, 1965

As a 23-year-old student, Jenkins knew he was in trouble when Guatemalan
authorities insisted that he answer a few questions about some of his
classmates at the University of San Carlos.

Though not an activist himself, the young American knew many who opposed the
military dictatorship. Some were political demonstrators, some were
considered terrorists.

At some point, his questioners walked out. No explanation. Hours went by.
Jenkins contemplated the table, the walls, the silence.

"At least with an interrogation, you are talking to someone," he says. "But
alone, you have no idea what will happen ... and your mind imagines all
sorts of horrific outcomes.

"If [they] had wanted to make me disappear, I would certainly have
disappeared, and no one would have ever known. And that was a stunning
realization."

The experience taught Jenkins that a government should never be allowed to
wield power arbitrarily. It came rushing back after the Sept. 11, 2001,
attacks, amid the national debate over "extraordinary renditions," a CIA
program under which terrorism suspects have been transferred to countries
known to use torture.

"I thought about ... being sent off to a dungeon," Jenkins says. "It doesn't
matter if you sometimes get the right people. That sort of capriciousness is
completely incompatible with what I think we are as a nation."

Vietnam, 1966

With the 5th Special Forces Group in Vietnam, Jenkins had a tough
assignment. He lived in the countryside among villagers, trying to recruit
as many as possible into a pro-U.S. counter-guerrilla force.

The locals felt threatened by all sides of the conflict.

"When looking at the war, from the perspective of the peasants, we were not
providing security," Jenkins says. Villagers too often were the luckless
bystanders victimized by violence or crop damage inflicted by U.S. and Viet
Cong forces.

That first combat tour would provide a valuable lesson, he says, in how not
to fight terrorism.

"If, in the process of going after terrorists, you create terror, then you
are going to be in conflict forever," he says. And accepting high levels of
"collateral casualties" among the local population is sure to be "a losing
strategy."

Jenkins would return to Vietnam repeatedly over the next three years as part
of a special military advisory group for Gen. Creighton Abrams, commander of
U.S. forces in Southeast Asia. He was assigned to long-range planning and
ended up warning in a classified report about "the danger that ... we will
fail in Vietnam."

With American foreign policy focused on Cold War rivalries, Jenkins filed
reports drawing attention to increased incidents stemming from political
extremism in Europe, including terrorist bombings and political kidnappings.

"In the coming decade ... [we] must not overlook both the possibilities and
the potential threat raised by urban guerrilla warfare," he told the Naval
Postgraduate School in Monterey, Calif. It was 1970.

Santa Monica, 1972

Out of the military and into a think tank, Jenkins took up tracking urban
guerrilla and terrorist groups from an office at the Rand Corp.

His database of index cards was growing rapidly as he recorded incidents
around the globe, including the shooting death of the U.S. ambassador in
Guatemala, bombings of various United Nations missions in New York City by
anti-Castro Cubans, and the hijacking of an Israeli jetliner on a Tel
Aviv-bound flight from Rome to force release of Palestinian prisoners.

"Hijackers making political demands ... that was an innovation," Jenkins
realized, and "a signal moment in terrorism tactics."

In May 1972, the database added a particularly bloody entry. Three members
of a group calling itself the Japanese Red Army shot up Lod Airport in Tel
Aviv. The 26 dead were mostly Puerto Ricans on a pilgrimage.

Then came the Munich Olympics in September and the shocking murder of nine
Israeli athletes by Palestinian kidnappers.

Jenkins says it introduced a new reality.

"There are no innocent bystanders. No one is safe."

Suddenly, Jenkins and his database were in public demand. He was summoned to
Washington by the Nixon administration and asked to help set up a
Cabinet-level committee to deal with the terrorism threat.

In his first appearance before Congress, Jenkins was asked what the U.S.
could do to rid the world of terrorism. He stumbled, unsure at the time how
to answer.

Looking back at the 1970s, most of the recorded terrorist attacks - with
notably vicious exceptions - seem relatively tame. Some bombers called ahead
to warn potential victims. Suicide missions were rare.

Jenkins told a meeting at Los Alamos, N.M., in 1975 that "terrorists want a
lot of people watching, not a lot of people dead."

But times were changing. And Jenkins still had much to learn.

Washington, 1986

Jenkins was among a small group of advisers gathered on the seventh floor of
the State Department for a Saturday morning breakfast with Secretary of
State George Schultz. It was April 5, 1986.

Overnight reports from Berlin included the latest casualty figures from a
club bombing that killed two American soldiers and wounded or maimed more
than 200 other patrons, many of them GIs. Jenkins recalls that the grim mood
worsened after an aide handed Schultz a note.

"He got visibly upset," Jenkins says. "I saw him grit his teeth, and he said
something like, 'Well, that's it.' Then he left the room."

Jenkins learned later that the note relayed fresh intelligence linking the
bombing to the Libyan government. The information would add to pressure for
an aggressive national response.

Earlier, after a pair of 1983 suicide attacks in Beirut - one aimed at the
U.S. Embassy that killed 63 and the other at a Marine barracks that killed
242 - President Reagan had reacted by pulling American troops out of
Lebanon.

But those deadly assaults also set off high-level debate over how to respond
in the future. Jenkins was invited to contribute to what he calls
"no-holds-barred" discussions. His trips to Washington became more frequent.
He also spent time with CIA Director William Casey, Defense Secretary Caspar
Weinberger and other administration advisers.

Those sessions resulted in a new national-security directive: In the event
of future terrorist attacks, a U.S. military response would be among the
options.

On April 14, 1986, two dozen F-111 Air Force fighter jets rained down tons
of bombs and laser-guided missiles on various Libyan targets. Reagan said it
was "to ensure that terrorists have no sanctuary."

New York, 1993

Repair work was just under way in the devastated underground garage of the
World Trade Center complex when Jenkins and an advisory group entered the
dank cavern left by a truck bomb that killed six, injured about 1,000 and
forced evacuation of the towers.

The advisers were seeking lessons in the rubble. Jenkins recalls the acrid
odor of burnt explosives still in the damp underground air. He peered into
the six-story crater and barely could see the bottom.

It was, he thought, like something out of "Dante and the rings of hell."

Jenkins at the time was an executive with the international security company
Kroll Associates, assigned in the aftermath of the truck bombing to help the
New York and New Jersey Port Authority assess all potential threats against
the Manhattan skyscrapers.

An airplane flying into one of the twin towers was offered as a potentially
disastrous event - its very mention provoked gasps of disbelief from project
managers, Jenkins recalls.

In the end, however, the threat was addressed in the group's final report.

"We ... knew there was no realistic way to protect the skyscrapers from a
suicide mission. We couldn't very well mount missile batteries above the
Windows on the World restaurant," Jenkins says, but in treating the imagined
risk as real, Port Authority management installed a number of safety
improvements to speed emergency evacuations.

Those improvements would play an important role in the next attack there.

Today

Jenkins says there is nothing the terrorists are doing today - truck
bombings, subway attacks, suicide missions - that they could not have done
30 years ago. The big difference is motivation, shifting from political to
religious zealotry, and marked by increasingly indiscriminate violence.

"Once you get otherworldly constituencies," Jenkins says, the constraints on
random attacks seem to disappear.

In briefings to government officials since Sept. 11, Jenkins has urged
relentless efforts to destroy Osama bin Laden's al-Qaida organization. To
that end, he also has been a critic of the war in Iraq, calling it "a
dangerous distraction" from the war on terrorists.

"Have we made some progress in fighting terrorists? Yes," he says. "Is it
going to get rough in some areas in the future? Most likely. Have we seen
the last terrorist catastrophe? Not a chance."

Copyright  <http://seattletimes.nwsource.com/news/general/copyright.html> C
2008 The Seattle Times Company

 


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