"History should have taught Nancy Pelosi and Western European powers that
engaging a regime like Assad's does not work; on the contrary it actually
emboldens it. Therefore, Syria is now adopting an even tougher stance. Assad
did not concede anything; 


http://www.metimes.com/International/2008/02/04/save_lebanon_from_syria_and_
iran/7625/
Save Lebanon from Syria and Iran
OLIVIER GUITTA,  The Middle East Times,  4 February 2008


The outpouring of emotion and rage  following the brutal assassination of
towering Lebanese figure Rafik Hariri on Feb. 14, 2005,  triggered the
hopeful Lebanese Cedar Revolution. The anti-Syrian movement behind it, the
March 14 forces, succeeded in forcing tens of thousands of Syrian troops to
leave Lebanon.
But that did not mean Syria  was totally out of Lebanon.  In fact, right
after the Syrian withdrawal, the very well informed Kuwaiti newspaper Al
Seyassah reported that, according to sources close to the Lebanese Ministry
of Interior,  tens of thousands of Syrians were naturalized, and among them
were 5,000 Syrian intelligence personnel. And as of today, Syria is still
very much in charge of Lebanon. What is the international community doing
about this?

Not much, to say the least.

Indeed after the momentum of the spring 2005 revolution, it really looks
like the West has given up on Lebanon and left the anti-Syrian forces in the
mud. This trend has been quite clear in the past few months.  Even after 29
terror attacks (since October 2004), targeting anti-Syrian personalities
(mostly journalists and politicians), believed by many analysts to have been
ordered by Damascus, the West is giving a free pass to the regime of Bashar
Assad.

All the more mind-boggling  is that recently Western targets  have been
victims of Syria's terror policy,  according to some intelligence analysts.
UNIFIL forces stationed in Lebanon  have been murdered and on Jan. 15, a
U.S. embassy vehicle was targeted.  One would think that the West would
react accordingly to attacks on its citizens,  by retaliating with force or
diplomacy. But nothing....

On the contrary, in the past year, Syria has been very much courted by the
West, from U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi,  to the Belgians,  Italians,
Spanish, Germans, and lately the French.  In fact, the Nicolas Sarkozy
administration  was put in charge,  by its allies (most notably the United
States), to deal with the Lebanese situation and in particular the selection
of the next president in Lebanon.

While the former French administration of Jacques Chirac  was adamant in
isolating Syria because of the murder of Chirac's close friend,  Hariri,
Sarkozy thought he could engage the Syrians and charm them.  Thus, Sarkozy
sent twice to Damascus  his close advisers, Jean-David Levitte  (the former
French ambassador to Washington)  and Claude Guéant (who happens to be close
to Assef Chawkat,  Syrian's head of security and Assad's brother-in-law).

Their mission was to ask Assad  to pressure his Lebanese loyal supporters,
including Hezbollah's leader Hassan Nasrallah,  the president of Lebanon's
parliament, Nabih Berri, and the Christian former army general,  Michel
Aoun, to accept a consensus presidential candidate.

But instead,  Assad got to impose on the March 14 alliance,  through France,
army Chief Michel Sleiman - a man who incidentally was appointed by Damascus
to this post -  as the potential new president. But that was not enough.
Syria wanted more control over the government and that is why it is blocking
the situation.

History should have taught Nancy Pelosi  and Western European powers that
engaging a regime like Assad's does not work;  on the contrary it actually
emboldens it.  Therefore, Syria is now adopting an even tougher stance.
Assad can be really satisfied with his strategy: he did not concede
anything;  he publicly humiliated France; he showed that he was a key
partner and he broke out of isolation.

After this debacle, Sarkozy recognized that it was no use speaking to the
Syrians. It is quite possible that the idea behind this opening to Syria ?
offering Damascus a chance to reintegrate into the international community ?
was to break the Syrian-Iranian alliance and isolate Tehran even more. But
this was a doomed policy.

And as Lebanese MP Elias Atallah, an expert on Syria, recently told
Libération newspaper:


"Our long experience shows that, each time friendly countries try to open up
to Damascus, this ends up having a negative impact on Lebanon.  In reality,
the relations between the Syrian and Iranian regimes  are very deep. They
have been allied since 1982. Whoever thinks  that he can change Syria's role
is simplistic. Iran and Syria can totally live with their differences. They
are minimal."


Last week, in Washington,  a courageous Shiite leader, Ahmad al-Assad, who
is vehemently opposed to Hezbollah, clearly summed up his frustration when
he rightly pointed out  that Damascus and Tehran  are being given a free
pass. Critics of the regimes in Damascus and Tehran say,


"These two dictatorial regimes actually feel no Western pressure whatsoever
for their role in spreading chaos, blood and mayhem in Lebanon. So why
should they stop?"


Today's situation is reminiscent of 1988 when Richard Murphy, then U.S.
assistant secretary of state,  also fell into Damascus' trap.  This resulted
in several years of chaos and Syria's occupation and control of Lebanon.  If
the West is serious about winning the war against radical Islam, Lebanon is
a key battle that should be fought. The Lebanese people deserve no less.


Olivier Guitta, an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of
Democracies and a foreign affairs and counterterrorism consultant, is the
founder of the newsletter The Croissant (www.thecroissant.com).


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