The Origins of the Muslim Brotherhood “Project”                 
By
<http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/authors.aspx?GUID=23b42d9a-65c4-4014-8
f95-63461119400a> Patrick Poole
FrontPageMagazine.com | Thursday, July 24, 2008 
http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/Read.aspx?GUID=66337E98-996A-47E9-A5D4-
A9FA5C854AA2

In May 2006, when I
<http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/Read.aspx?GUID=67736123-6864-4205-B51E
-BCBDEF45FCDE> first introduced American readers to the Muslim Brotherhood
strategic plan known as “The Project” (including the
<http://www.frontpagemag.com/Articles/Read.aspx?GUID=61829F93-7A81-4654-A2E8
-F0A5E6DD3DC4> first complete English translation of such, published here at
FrontPage), very little was known about the document beyond what had been
reported in the European press and Swiss journalist Sylvain Besson’s book,
La conquête de l'Occident: Le projet secret des Islamistes (Paris: Le Seuil,
2005). 

We knew at that time from Besson’s research that the document had been
recovered from the home of Yousef Nada, the head of the Al-Taqwa Bank in
Lugano and the de facto Foreign Envoy for the international Muslim
Brotherhood movement, during a raid of his compound in November 2001
investigating Al-Taqwa’s involvement in terrorism financing. The strategic
plan has received considerable discussion and analysis in the Western
intelligence community ever since. As Besson notes in his book, Nada
admitted that the document was genuine but declined to elaborate about the
circumstances of its drafting. 

A new book, however, sheds fresh light on the background of “The Project”
and offers new details on the fundamental realignment of Muslim Brotherhood
strategy and doctrine that it represents. The book in question, HAMAS: A
History from Within (Northhampton, Mass.: Oliver Branch, 2007), is authored
by a well-known international Muslim Brotherhood operative and HAMAS
insider, Azzam Tamimi, who heads the  <http://www.ii-pt.com/> Institute of
Islamic Political Thought HAMAS front organization in London. 

Tamimi outlines the circumstances and dramatic changes inside the Muslim
Brotherhood that led to the adoption of “The Project” strategic plan at the
historic 1983 Amman conference of international Muslim Brotherhood leaders.
Here’s what Tamimi wrote about that event and the formation of “The
Project”:

It is now known that Palestinian Ikhwan [Muslim Brotherhood – ed.] members
in the diaspora had also been pressing for military action. Their efforts
were assisted by the unification of their organizations at the end of the
1970s, a project that reached its culmination in the historic conference
convened secretly in Amman in 1983. Representatives of the Palestinian
Ikhwan attended from within Palestine, both from the Gaza Strip and the West
Bank, as well as from Jordan, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, the other Gulf
countries, Europe, and the United States. The purpose of the meeting was to
lay the cornerstone for what became known as the Islamic “global project for
Palestine,” a project proposed to the conference by the delegates from
Kuwait. At this conference, a unanimous decision was taken to give financial
and logistic support to the effort of the Ikhwan in Palestine to wage jihad.
(p. 45)

What Tamimi describes in his book is that “The Project” represented several
fundamental shifts in both ideology and methodology of the global Muslim
Brotherhood leadership. Rather than waiting for the creation of an Islamic
state that would undertake the liberation of Palestine, they would
militarize the Palestinian Muslim Brotherhood organization by reviving the
terrorist “secret apparatus”, which would eventually culminate in the
announcement of the creation of HAMAS in December 1987 and the unveiling of
the  <http://www.yale.edu/lawweb/avalon/mideast/hamas.htm> HAMAS charter in
August 1988. 

Thus, the claims of a spontaneous creation of HAMAS at the beginning of the
first intifada are entirely myth, as Tamimi claims that military
preparations had been long underway and the secret cells made operational
years prior to 1987. According to Tamimi’s account, the Palestinian
Committee of the Muslim Brotherhood established the Jihaz Filastin (the
Palestinian Apparatus) in 1985 to coordinate global activities in support of
the new jihadist movement in accordance with “The Project”. Two other
organizations were also created by Palestinian Ikhwan leader (and HAMAS
founder) Sheikh Ahmed Yasin within the territories along the lines of the :
the al-Majahidun al-Filastiniyun (the Palestinian Mujahidin), which would
conduct terrorist operations against Israeli military targets; and Majd
(glory), an internal security force which would target and kill
non-cooperative Palestinians. These would later become active arms within
the HAMAS infrastructure.

Two factors contributed to this shift: 1) the failure of outside Arab armies
to effect liberation; and 2) the creation of the competing Palestinian
Islamic Jihad. The catastrophic military failures of 1967 and 1973 led to
Egypt, who bore the brunt of those defeats, signing the Camp David Accords
in September 1978 and the Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty of 1979. Those
developments dashed the hopes of continued outside military assistance and
led to the abandonment of what Tamimi describes as the “Messianic fatalism
for the emergence of the Islamic state that would lead the jihad to liberate
Palestine” (p. 47). 

Inside the Palestinian territories, Fathi Al-Shiqaqi, a member of the Muslim
Brotherhood, had launched Al-Tal’I’ Al-Islamiyah (the Islamic vanguards),
which later was renamed Palestinian Islamic Jihad. Adopting Muslim
Brotherhood ideologue Sayyid Qutb’s revolutionary methodology, Al-Shiqaqi
began recruiting for jihad amongst the members of the Ikhwan (which led to
his expulsion) and forged an alliance with Saraya al-Jihad, which was
already conducting terrorist operations against Israeli military personnel.
Among Saraya al-Jihad’s leadership was future Al-Qaeda founder Abdullah
Azzam. This new organization and their terrorist operations quickly gathered
the attention and support of the younger Palestinians, and threatened the
Ikhwan’s position of leadership inside the territories. 

The realignment in ideology and methodology amongst the Muslim Brotherhood
global leadership by institutionalizing Qutb’s top-down, revolutionary
approach also permanently secured Qutb’s ideological dominance throughout
the organization. The crackdown in Egypt on the Brotherhood in the 1950s and
1960s led to the scattering of the membership across the Middle East and
into the West, which removed the immediate pressure to moderate their
ideology. From these new locations, they could fully embrace Qutb’s
vanguardist ideology.

The push of the organization into the West was largely the result of the
efforts of Said Ramadan, son-in-law of Hassan al-Banna, founder of the
Brotherhood (see Ian Johnson’s recent
<http://www.futureofmuslimworld.com/research/pubID.80/pub_detail.asp> essay
on the establishment of the Muslim Brotherhood in the West). Meanwhile,
Ikhwan leaders who had sought refuge in Saudi Arabia forged a theological
link with Salafi/Wahhabism that has marked the group ever since. Through
these leaders in diaspora came the international organizations (Muslim World
League, World Assembly for Muslim Youth), financing (various “charities” and
the Al-Taqwa Bank, headed by Yousef Nada, in whose possession “The Project”
document was found), and ideology that would not only result in the
formation of HAMAS, but would influence and support virtually every Islamic
terrorist organization in the world. 

For this reason, understanding the historic role of “The Project” as part of
the global strategy of the Muslim Brotherhood is essential. Fortunately,
Azzam Tamimi’s account fills in several blanks that had gone unreported:

*       Its adoption at the 1983 Amman Conference; 

*       Its actual title – the “global project for Palestine”; 

*       Its origination by the Kuwaiti Ikhwan leadership (Tamimi also
reports that they donated $70,000 in start-up money for the Palestinians to
buy arms and to send leaders to Jordan for military training); 

*       Its strategic role in defining how the Muslim Brotherhood would
focus its efforts and resources to Palestine to make that a key issue in
advancing their global Islamic supremacist agenda; 

*       Its ideological importance representing the shift in methodology to
a more revolutionary approach and the embrace of Sayyid Qutb’s vanguardist
vision by the organization globally.

Tamimi’s account provides new details about “The Project”, and his status as
a high-ranking international Muslim Brotherhood figure adds considerable
weight to authenticate much of what had already been reported,
notwithstanding some of his revisionist history elsewhere in his book. An
examination of that strategic plan, as well as the many exhibits that came
from the Holy Land Foundation terrorism finance trial last summer in Dallas
(see my colleague LTC Joseph Myers’
<http://www.americanthinker.com/printpage/?url=http://www.americanthinker.co
m/2007/09/homeland_security_implications_1.html> overview of those
documents) gives us a glimpse at the Muslim Brotherhood’s global playbook
and how far they have come in achieving their long-term goals of
infiltrating the West and establishing a global Islamic state ruled by
Islamic law. What we find by those measures and from seemingly daily reports
is that their relentless coordinated campaign for Islamic global dominance
has met with astounding success.

 
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