http://www.jihadwatch.org/archives/021919.php
 

July 23, 2008


Losing the war of ideas


In "Winning the War of Ideas" in the New York Sun
<http://www.nysun.com/opinion/winning-the-war-of-ideas/82438/> , July 23
(thanks to Ethelred), James K. Glassman, the new under secretary of state
for public diplomacy and public affairs, says many positive things. He
points out that our primary task is not to make foreigners love the United
States -- which has been the focus of many of our "ideological" initiatives
up to now. Instead, he says that "our priority is not to promote our brand
but to help destroy theirs." 

Great! Does that mean that he will confront the Sharia imperative and
Islamic supremacism, and try to make the millions of Muslims who implicitly
accept Western values make that acceptance explicit? No. He doesn't seem to
have any idea of the stealth jihad
<http://www.amazon.com/gp/product/1596985569/002-8167125-3983247?ie=UTF8&tag
=robertspencer-20&linkCode=xm2&camp=1789&creativeASIN=1596985569>  at all --
that is, he doesn't seem to have any idea that jihadists might be trying to
advance their agenda by means other than violent attacks. Glassman
demonstrates this lack of awareness by praising Lawrence Wright's article
about how Muslims are turning away from Al-Qaeda, which I discussed in
detail here
<http://frontpagemagazine.com/Articles/Read.aspx?GUID=327B464C-0815-445C-8A8
7-55CA5B7CF246> . Glassman seems to have no comprehension at all of the
significance of one telling phrase in the Wright article: "jihad did not
have to be restricted to an armed approach." 

This does not bode well for his attempts to "destroy" the enemy's ideology:
if he doesn't even understand it, how can he possibly expect to destroy it?
For he cannot even name that ideology (which is no surprise these days), and
declares: "We also should not shrink from confidently opposing poisonous
ideas - even if they are rooted in a twisted interpretation of religious
doctrine." That the jihadists are proceeding according to a "twisted
interpretation" of Islam, rather than according to core and mainstream
principles of the religion, is of course an iron and never-to-be-questioned
dogma at State, but it rests upon the
<http://jihadwatch.org/archives/018194.php> word of Muslim
Brotherhood-linked "experts," and ignores the copious teachings of the
Qur'an and Sunnah, as well as of all the schools of Islamic jurisprudence,
about warfare against and the subjugation of infidels.

Not an auspicious beginning for a war of ideas: Glassman only dimly
understands the ideas he is fighting, and can't even call them by name.

[...] In the war of ideas, our core task is not how to fix foreigners'
perceptions of the United States. Those perceptions are important - we want
foreign publics to trust and respect us. But America's image is not at the
center of the war of ideas. 

Instead, we need to recognize that there is a complex, multi-sided battle
going on in Muslim societies for power. This is a battle in which we cannot
be a bystander. Instead, the battle within many Muslim societies for power
affects America directly and was responsible for the deaths of 3,000 people
seven years ago. In this battle, our main role is to support constructive
alternatives to violent extremism.

Our priority is not to promote our brand but to help destroy theirs. We do
that by showing foreign populations that the ideology and actions of the
violent extremists are not in the best interests of those populations.

It is the fact that the battle is going on within Muslim society that makes
our role so complicated and that requires that we ourselves not do much of
the fighting. The most credible voices in this war of ideas are Muslim.

So here is our ultimate goal: A world in which the use of violence to
achieve political, religious, or social objectives is no longer considered
acceptable; efforts to radicalize and recruit new members are no longer
successful; and the perpetrators of violent extremism are condemned and
isolated.

How do we achieve such a world? Three ways:

First, by confronting the ideology that justifies and enables the violence.
We try to remove the fake veneer on the reputation of extremists and allow
publics to see the shame and hostility of life in terrorism. That is what
worked in Al Anbar province in Iraq, as well as in Jordan and Morocco.
Support for suicide bombing throughout the Muslim world has dropped sharply.
The proportion of Jordanians with "a lot of confidence in Osama bin Laden"
has fallen to 20% in 2007 from 56% in 2003.

This is an effort that requires credible Muslim voices to work effectively -
especially voices of those, like Fadl, born Sayyid Imam al-Sharif, and known
as Dr. Fadil, whose story was told recently by Lawrence Wright in the New
Yorker. Fadl helped build the Al Qaeda ideology and now repudiates it for
its wanton violence.

We also should not shrink from confidently opposing poisonous ideas - even
if they are rooted in a twisted interpretation of religious doctrine.

Second, we achieve our desired goal by offering, often in cooperation with
the private sector and using the best technology including Web 2.0 social
networking techniques, a full range of productive alternatives to violent
extremism.

The shorthand for this policy is diversion - powerful and lasting diversion,
the channeling of potential recruits away from violence with the attractions
of culture, literature, music, technology, sports, education, and
entrepreneurship, in addition to politics and religion.

While winning hearts and minds would be an admirable feat, the war of ideas
adopts the more immediate and realistic goal of diverting impressionable
segments of the population from the recruitment process. The war of ideas is
really a battle of alternative visions, and our goal is to divert recruits
from the violent extremist vision.

Going beyond diversion, we seek to build counter-movements by empowering
groups and individuals opposed to violent extremism - movements (using both
electronic and physical means) that bring people together - including
believers in democratic Islam - with similar, constructive interests, such
as mothers opposed to violence, built on the Mothers Against Drunk Driving
model.

Our role is as a facilitator of choice. We help build networks and movements
- put tools in the hands of young people to make their own choices, rather
than dictating those choices. In the words of the National Security
Strategy: "Freedom cannot be imposed; it must be chosen."

We have already done a major reorganization - both at State and the
interagency - to help in the overall effort. The five focal points of our
programs are: Muslim society, especially involving young people, at the
grassroots; Middle East elites, who involve themselves in ideology and
religious doctrine; foreign fighters, who have poured into Iraq and
Afghanistan; Iran; and private sector expertise.

There are signs that the war of ideas, even in its nascent stages, is
working. But no serious person involved in this battle thinks it is close to
being won. The flow of new recruits has not stopped. Our work is ahead of
us.

In the end, the mission of 21st century public diplomacy is to tell the
world of a good and compassionate nation and at the same time to engage in
the most important ideological contest of our time. This engagement must, by
its nature, involve non-Americans that we nurture, support, and encourage

The will, as I said, now exists. As for strategy: I think that we have it
right. This is a contest that we have now engaged vigorously - a contest we
will win.

Good luck with that.



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