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India's Counterterrorism Failings

By SADANAND DHUME 
FROM TODAY'S WALL STREET JOURNAL ASIA
July 29, 2008


In recent years few countries have changed their public image as
dramatically as India. But though pictures of starving peasants and rutted
roads have given way to those of svelte supermodels and bustling call
centers, in at least one respect India remains more a basketcase than a
potential great power. As Friday's bomb blasts in India's software capital,
Bangalore, and Saturday's in the industrial city of Ahmedabad show, India is
singularly ill-equipped to deal with the scourge of terrorism.

The Bangalore and Ahmedabad bombings, which killed one and 49 people
respectively and cumulatively wounded more than 200, are only the most
recent in a spate of attacks. In the past two years terrorists have targeted
the northern city of Jaipur, the high-tech hub Hyderabad, the temple town of
Varanasi and India's financial capital, Mumbai.

Officials have pinned the most recent attacks on Indian Mujahedeen, a
homegrown group linked to the Bangladesh-based Harkat-ul Jihad-al-Islami and
the banned Students Islamic Movement of India. Both Pakistan and Bangladesh
-- carved out of British India to create a homeland for the subcontinent's
Muslims -- give shelter and succor to terrorists. But the fact that the most
recent attacks were carried out by a made-in-India group shows it's about
time that India comes to terms with its own counterterrorism failings.

Among India's worst mistakes is that instead of uniting behind the minimal
goal of providing security for all citizens, India's constantly bickering
politicians have played football with counterterrorism policy. In 2004, one
of the first acts in office of the ruling Congress-led coalition government
-- at the time supported by Communist allies -- was to scrap a national
terrorism law that allowed for enhanced witness protection and extended
detention of suspects in terrorism cases. This had the twin effects of
demoralizing law enforcement agencies and signaling to terrorists that the
Indian state lacked fight. The paucity of arrests and convictions in the
string of bombings that have followed have only strengthened this
perception. For its part, the opposition Bharatiya Janata Party has stalled
the creation of a much-needed federal antiterrorism force.

The problem is that India's counterterrorism effort falls between two
stools. As a democracy, it cannot adopt the heavy-handed but effective
measures favored by, say, Russia or China. At the same time, India lacks the
sophisticated intelligence and law enforcement capacities that allow
European countries such as France, Spain and, of late, even Britain to
safeguard individual rights and yet uncover terrorist plots before they are
executed.

Yet although this may be an explanation, it's hardly an excuse given that
other countries have surmounted their own counterterrorism hurdles. Even
Indonesia, a Muslim-majority nation where public sympathy for terrorism in
the name of Islam runs deeper than it does in India, has done an infinitely
better job of protecting its citizens. Thanks largely to Detachment 88, a
special police unit equipped and trained by Australia and the U.S., it has
been nearly three years since the last major terrorist strike on Indonesian
soil.

Ultimately, though, terrorism is only the tip of the proverbial iceberg. The
larger question is whether India's Muslims will embrace modernity like so
many of their Turkish, Tunisian and Indonesian co-religionists, or reject it
like increasing numbers of their militant cousins in Afghanistan and
Pakistan.

On this front too India's leaders have failed to get to the heart of the
matter. The country tends to exercise a hands-off approach to its
140-million-strong Muslim community. Unlike in Europe or America, Muslims in
India are governed by Shariah law in matters such as marriage, divorce and
inheritance. This parallel legal system slows integration into the national
mainstream and perpetuates backward practices such as polygamy and the
neglect of education for girls. The result has been a disaffected minority,
largely lacking the skills to compete in a modern economy and susceptible to
calls for violence in the name of faith.

If India is to live up to its potential -- and indeed to its hype -- it must
embrace both the short-term goal of upgrading its counterterrorism
capability and the long-term goal of modernizing and mainstreaming its
Muslims.

India's Muslims have enriched national life in countless ways. The vast
majority, like people of any faith, are nonviolent. But contrary to popular
belief, Indian Muslims have not been immune to the rising global tide of
orthodox practice and militant politics. Indian doctors played a role in
last year's failed attacks in London and Glasgow. At home, Muslim groups
have assaulted critics such as the exiled Bangladeshi author Taslima
Nasreen. A survey by the distinguished Pakistani scholar Akbar Ahmed
revealed that most educated Indian Muslims view as role models the late
Islamist ideologue Abul Ala Maududi, the 19th century Muslim supremacist
Sayyed Ahmad Khan, and an influential Bombay-based cleric named Zakir Naik,
who eulogizes Osama bin Laden and calls for Shariah for all Indians.

India's Muslims hardly have a monopoly on either violence or obscurantism.
Nonetheless the challenges they face are particularly acute. Will the
community be forward-looking, eager to seize new economic opportunities, and
at peace with a rapidly changing world? Or will it forsake the future for an
idealized past, foster a culture of grievance that condones violence, and
view globalization as a mortal threat? Depending on the answer, the
Bangalore and Ahmedabad bombings are either a passing event or a dark
harbinger of things to come.

Mr. Dhume is a fellow at the Asia Society in Washington D.C., and the author
of "My Friend the Fanatic: Travels with an Indonesian Islamist" (Text
Publishing, 2008).



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